Hawaii | Page 331 | Images of Old Hawaiʻi

July 22, 2019 by Peter T Young Leave a Comment

Ruggles’ Quilt

“The making of tapa was a time-consuming and labor intensive process. The outer bark was stripped away and the inner bark was soaked in water to make it soft.”

“Artistically carved round wooden mallets were used to pound the strips of the inner bark into meshed fiber to form sheets of various sizes, thicknesses, and textures. Then, the tapa was colored by native dyes and decorated with block prints.”

“New England missionaries arrived in 1820 and taught high-ranking Hawaiian women to make American-style patchwork quilts. On April 3, 1820, seven young New England missionary women held the first ‘Sewing Circle’ aboard the brig Thaddeus.” (Cao and Park)

“The high-ranking Hawaiian women were Kalakua, mother of King Liholiho, her sister Namahana, and two wives of Chief Kalanimoku. The missionary wives were Lucy Thurston, Lucia Holman, Sybil Bingham, Nancy Ruggles, Mercy Whitney, Jerusha Chamberlin, and Elisha Loomis.”

“The missionaries supplied the scissors and furnished the native women with calico patchwork to sew. Sewing calico piecework was new to the ranked Hawaiian women, but the geometric and symmetrical patterns associated with quilting were not.”

“The Hawaiian women were taught both types of quilt making. The pieced variety technique was used to make geometric repeated blocks, and the appliqué style used the ‘snowflakes’ method.” (Cao and Park)

Lucy Thurston, the wife of one of the first missionaries, recorded in her journal (1882): “Monday morning, April 3rd [1820], the first sewing circle was formed that the sun ever looked down upon in his Hawaiian realm.”

“Kalakua, queen-dowager was directress. She requested all the seven white ladies to take seats with them on mats, on the deck of the Thaddeus. Mrs. Holman and Mrs. Ruggles were executive officers to ply the scissors and prepare the work. … The four native women of distinction were furnished with calico patchwork to sew-a new employment to them.” (Thurston)

“For the first few years the missionary wives spent a great deal of time sewing for the upper class Hawaiians.”

“These ladies preferred to spend their time instructing the Hawaiians in spiritual matters and when regular supplies of fabric and patterns arrived from the mainland, the missionary wives began teaching Hawaiians to sew”.

“According to Wild, the missionaries’ instructional program included other domestic arts in addition to sewing lessons, and both sexes were welcomed into the domestic arts classes.”

“Leftover scraps of fabrics from the lessons were used to teach patchwork quilting. As they began learning to quilt, Hawaiian women incorporated traditional and familiar kapa designs into their quilts.”

“As part of the assimilation and acculturation processes, western fabric, fashions and quiltmaking were integrated into Hawaiian material culture. As this happened, the making of kapa began to decline, and by the end of the nineteenth century, kapa production waned.”

“To the Hawaiian seamstresses, it probably seemed illogical to cut new materials into small pieces only to be sewn together to make a patchwork quilt.”

“It was quite natural, therefore, that the Hawaiian women would move toward individual designs as they were accustomed to producing original designs with their own kapa beater and wood-blocks from which they made kapa designs of their own.”

“It is not known exactly when, or even how the appliquéd Hawaiian quilt evolved. What is most striking about the Hawaiian quilt is the appliqué technique in which a large sheet of fabric is folded, cut into a design, then stitched onto a contrasting background, followed by contour quilting around the motif.”

“Both in technique and style, Hawaiian appliqué reminds us of paper snowflakes made by schoolchildren, a contemporary remnant of cut paper work that was popular in the northeastern United States during the early decades of the nineteenth century.” (Arthur)

In addition, 9-year-old Huldah, daughter of missionary Samuel Ruggles made her own patchwork quilt, it is featured in the image. It was recently on display at Hawaiian Mission Houses. It is made from scraps; images of other clothing are also included in the album (from which Huldah Ruggles used scraps to finish her quilt).

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Huldah Ruggles Quilt-HMH

Huldah Ruggles Quilt-HMH and Garment-Huldah Ruggles used scarps of material for quilt

Huldah Ruggles Quilt-HMH

Garment-Huldah Ruggles used scarps of material for quilt

July 21, 2019 by Peter T Young Leave a Comment

Umu

In 1846, Article V of the “Statute Laws of His Majesty Kamehameha III” was published. The law defined the responsibilities and rights the konohiki and people had to the wide range of fishing grounds and resources. It codified the prior traditional and customary fishing practices.

The law also addressed the practice of designating kapu or restrictions on the taking of fish, tribute of fish paid to the King and identified specific types of fisheries from the freshwater and pond fisheries to those on the high seas under the jurisdiction of the Kingdom.

Section II of the law stated, “The fishing grounds from the reefs, and where there happen to be no reefs from the distance of one geographical mile seaward to the beach at low water mark, shall in law be considered the private property of the landlords whose lands, by ancient regulation, belong to the same”.

Therefore, a typical ahupuaʻa (what we generally refer to as watersheds, today) was a long strip of land, narrow at its mountain summit top and becoming wider as it ran down a valley into the sea to the outer edge of the reef. If there was no reef then the sea boundary would extend into the deep water.

While Hawaiʻi has some fantastic reefs, there are areas where there are no reefs (i.e. sandy bottom or muliwai (estuaries and river mouths where flowing freshwater prevented coral growth.))

So, how can a konohiki and the tenants of an ahupuaʻa that does not have a reef fronting the land fish for reef fish?

Like today, in many cases, the ancient Hawaiians built artificial reefs. They were called umu (or imu.)

In Hawaiʻi, as well as other areas of Polynesia, rock shelters were constructed that provided protections and sources of food for reef fish.

Large and small stones were piled into walls with an underwater chamber. Algal growth on the rocks provided them a source of food. Small fish attracted larger fish. Openings in the rock piles allowed small fish to hide.

These rock piles acted like naturally-occurring rock outcrops and coral reef habitats. They provided protection from predators and a food supply for reef fish.

“Such shelters were quite common in the islands. On Oʻahu, evidence of their existence has been found in Kāneʻohe Bay and around Kahaluʻu and Waiʻāhole.” (Kanahele)

“Besides providing stability and some protection from predators, these shelters also helped to regulate fish growth and potentially increase fish stocks by serving as artificial homes for fish to congregate and reproduce.” (Kikiloi)

Some of the prominent fish species that inhabited these shelters were squirrelfish (u‘u), unicornfish (kala), surgeonfish (manini), goatfish (moano), greater amberjack (kahala), parrotfish (uhu) and eels (puhi). (Kikiloi)

“These were the predecessors of present-day attempts to attract fish to Waikīkī and other places with artificial reefs.” (Kanahele)

The Territory of Hawai`i began looking into the possibility of installing artificial shelters in areas of sparse natural habitat. Back in 1957, the proposed purpose of these shelters was to increase and enhance opportunities for fishermen.

In 1961, the State’s first artificial reef was created at Maunalua Bay, off Kahala, Oʻahu (74 acres). Then, in 1963, two more artificial reefs were created off Keawakapu, Maui (54 acres) and Waianae, Oʻahu (141 acres).

A fourth artificial reef was created in 1972 off Kualoa, O`ahu (1,727 acres). The Ewa Deepwater artificial reef (31 acres) was built in 1986.

Unlike the other four reefs, which were deployed at depths of 50-100 feet, the Ewa reef was sunk in 50-70 fathoms (300-420 feet) of water for “new” bottomfish habitat.

Initially, car bodies were the primary material used to construct artificial reefs. Then, from 1964-1985, concrete pipes were mainly used to build these reefs. In addition, several barges and minesweeper vessels were sunk.

From 1985-1991 the program used concrete and tire modules as the main artificial reef components. Other items used included derelict concrete material, barges, and even large truck tires.

From 1991 to the present, materials deployed have mainly been concrete “Z-modules” (4-feet by 8-feet, with 1-foot high “legs” on end of opposing sides.) Other components include barges, derelict concrete material and several small vessels.

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Carthaginian-Maui-(mauinow)

July 20, 2019 by Peter T Young Leave a Comment

Norman Keith Collins

Like other Polynesians, Hawaiians imported their traditional tattoo art, known as kakau, to the islands. It served them not only for ornamentation and distinction, but to guard their health and spiritual well-being.

Images of lizards, which were greatly respected and feared, and of the Hawaiian crescent fan (Peahi niu) for the highest-ranking members of society, dominated Hawaiian kakau.

Intricate patterns, mimicking woven reeds or other natural forms, graced men’s arms, legs, torso and face. Women were generally tattooed on the hand, fingers, wrists and sometimes on their tongue. (PBS)

Queen Kamāmalu had a tattoo applied to her tongue as an expression of her deep grief when her mother-in-law died in the 1820s. Missionary William Ellis watched the procedure, commenting to the queen that she must be undergoing great pain. The queen replied, He eha nui no, he nui roa ra ku‘u aroha. (Great pain indeed, greater is my affection.) (Fullard-Leo)

The designs were applied by specially trained kahuna, experts in one or more critical tasks, who applied pigment to the skin with a needle made from bone, tied to a stick and struck by a mallet.

Traditional designs varied widely, according to available records, but many memorialized fallen chiefs, leaders or family members. The process was guarded with great secrecy and all implements were destroyed after use, according to the dictates of kapu. (PBS)

Fast forward to modern tattooing … some suggest the history of tattooing can be divided into two periods, before Sailor Jerry (BSJ) and after Sailor Jerry (ASJ). That’s how important he was to the development of tattooing. (Levy)

Born on January 14, 1911 in Reno, Nevada, Norman Keith Collins first took the nickname ‘Jerry’ (apparently given to him after his father noticed a similar disposition between the young troublemaker and the family’s cantankerous mule).

He eventually landed in Chicago and two things happened that changed his life. One, he hooked up with local tattoo legend, Gib ‘Tatts’ Thomas, who taught him to use a tattoo machine. (For practice, he paid bums with cheap wine or a few cents to let him tattoo them). Then, at 19, he joined the Navy and he became known as Sailor Jerry.

When Collins mustered out of the Navy, he settled in Honolulu. Within a few years, the Japanese bombed Pearl Harbor and everything changed.

At the height of WWII, over 12 million Americans served in the military and, at any given moment, a large number of them were on shore leave in Honolulu.

The circumstances of war fed a cross-section of American men into environments that usually only existed on the fringes – places like Honolulu’s Hotel Street, a district comprised almost exclusively of bars, brothels and tattoo parlors. This was where Collins, as Sailor Jerry, built his legacy. (Sailor Jerry)

Although Jerry was world famous for his tattooing, he had other interests. The sea was always a part of his life and while holding Captain’s papers in the 1950s; he skippered a tour ship that covered the Pearl Harbor memorial.

His study of electronics led to a first class FCC license, and for several years he hosted a late night talk show on a local radio station. On that show he was known as “Old Ironsides”, another reflection on his interest in the sea. (Tattoo Archive)

He taught himself to be an electrician, which helped him innovate his tattoo machines. He played in a jazz band. He toured around in a canary yellow Thunderbird and he was out on his Harley when he had the heart attack that would take his life (after collapsing in a cold sweat, he got back on his bike and rode home). (Sailor Jerry)

Sailor Jerry built a reputation for quality work, which attracted customers in spite of the cost. He is credited with the invention of the magnum tattoo needle, used to apply broad strokes of color to the skin, as well as an improved tattoo-machine construction, whose smooth operation resulted in greater detail and less pain for the sitter.

He was the first tattoo artist to find and use a purple ink that was not fugitive or toxic. During a time when trade secrets were guarded, he befriended the most talented tattoo artists in the world, corresponding only with those whom he tested and deemed worthy of his attention.

His studies culminated in a style that combined the bold colors and designs seen in Japanese tattoos with iconic Americana imagery.

Sailor Jerry, who longed for the day when tattooing would be seen as fine art, would be pleased to learn that his flash, stencils, rubbings, and sketches underwent full conservation treatment at the Conservation Center for Art and Historic Artifacts. (Sheesley)

Norman Keith Collins ‘Sailor Jerry’ died June 12, 1973 and is buried at the National Memorial Cemetery of the Pacific at Punchbowl.

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July 19, 2019 by Peter T Young Leave a Comment

Rice

Rice production was not a major contributor to Hawaiʻi’s economy until the latter half of the nineteenth century. As whaling declined in importance, greater emphasis was placed on agricultural production, primarily sugar and rice.

It was in 1850 when the Royal Hawaiian Agricultural Society was formed to develop Hawaiʻi’s agricultural resources that rice made its mark in the Hawaiʻi economy. The group purchased land in the Nuʻuanu Valley and rice seed from China and planted in a former taro patch.

At first the Society offered the rice seed to anyone in Hawaiʻi who wanted to plant it. King Kamehameha IV also offered land grants for cultivation of rice. Because there were no proper milling facilities in Hawaiʻi, it didn’t take off as a viable crop right away.

Then, in 1860, imported rice seed from South Carolina proved very successful and yielded a fair amount of crop. This, combined with the collapse of the taro industry in 1861-1862 (as the Hawaiian population declined, the demand for taro also declined,) added value to the numerous vacant taro patches and a boom in the rice industry.

From 1860 to the 1920s, Rice was raised in the islands of Hawaiʻi, particularly in Kauai and Oʻahu, because of their abundance of rain.

The Hanalei Valley of Kauai led all other single geographic units in the amount of acreage planted in rice. The valley was one of the first areas converted to this use and continued to produce well into the 1960s.

The Commercial Pacific Advertiser noted on October 3, 1861, “Everybody and his wife (including defunct government employees) are into rice – sugar is nowhere and cotton is no longer king. Taro patches are held at fabulous valuations, and among the thoughtful the query is being propounded, where is our taro to come from?”

During the 1860s and 1870s, the production of rice increased substantially. It was consumed domestically by the burgeoning numbers of Chinese brought to the Islands as agricultural laborers.

In 1862, the first rice mill in the Hawaiian Islands was constructed in Honolulu (prior to that it was sent unhulled and uncleaned to be milled in San Francisco.) By 1887 over 13 million pounds of rice were exported.

A particularly important stimulus for the increased demand for rice was the Reciprocity Treaty of 1876. This treaty between the United States and the Kingdom of Hawaiʻi granted duty-free status to certain items of trade between the two countries, including rice.

Thomas Thrum wrote in 1877 that Kamehameha V and other landowners had “planted a large tract of land in rice (in Moanalua,) and even went so far as to pull up and destroy large patches of growing taro to plant rice.”

In 1899, Hawaiʻi’s rice production had expanded so that it placed third in production of rice behind Louisiana and South Carolina.

Much of this rice acreage was worked initially by Chinese immigrants, who first arrived as contract laborers in 1852. By 1860 this immigrant population totaled 1,200. Chinese immigration continued at a rapid pace until 1884, when the official census estimated the number of Chinese at 18,254.

In 1882 the US Congress passed the Chinese Exclusion Act; then, Japanese workers were brought in to take their place. Within only five years the Japanese constituted more than forty-two percent of the plantation work force and one-seventh of the total population.

Ironically, this influx of Japanese immigrants accelerated Hawaiʻi’s decline in rice production. Japanese preferred short grain rice rather than the long grain rice the Chinese were used to eating. So rice began to be imported from California for the Japanese.

California’s success would ultimately mean the end of the rice industry in Hawaiʻi. Furthermore, the hand labor techniques of Hawaiʻi’s Chinese and Japanese rice farmers could not compete with California’s mechanized production technology.

Additional problems with the rice bird and rice borer, as well as the lack of interest on the part of the younger generation to continue rice farming, eventually meant the end of a once prosperous industry.

Attempts to revive rice production by the Agricultural Extension Service of the University of Hawaiʻi were made in 1906 and 1933, primarily in Hanalei.

As a result the acreage planted in rice on the island rose from 759 acres in 1933 to 1,058 in 1934. For areas like Hanalei Valley, such efforts, coupled with the valley’s general remoteness and absence of competing demands for the land, allowed rice cultivation to continue as a regional activity long after it had been abandoned throughout the rest of Hawaiʻi.

Today, there is no trace of the rice fields in Hawaiʻi. However, Hoʻopulapula Haraguchi Rice Mill museum in Hanalei Valley provides a remnant look at the once prospering agricultural venture.

It was built by the Chinese and purchased by the Haraguchi family in 1924. The Haraguchi family has restored the mill three times; after a fire in 1930, then again after Hurricane Iwa in 1982 and Hurricane Iniki in 1992.

The mill ceased operating in 1960 when Kauai’s rice industry collapsed. A nonprofit organization was formed to preserve and interpret the mill, which has been visited by thousands of school children and adults in the past 29 years.

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Rice

View of rice fields towards Pālolo Valley from the back of Waikīkī, Hawai`i, ca. 1910

Rice

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Chinese water buffalo plowing rice field Hawaii Tai Sing Loo-(KSBE)=

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Rice

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July 18, 2019 by Peter T Young 1 Comment

Lēʻahi

Lēʻahi, also known as Diamond Head, is a nearly circular crater of approximately two-thirds of a mile in diameter.

Diamond Head is different things to different people:
• Homes of Hawai‘i’s Kings, Queens and Royal Families were in its shadow
• It’s an internationally-recognized visitor industry icon
• It’s the backdrop to the famous Waikīkī Beach
• It served an integral role in the island military defenses
• It is present home and command center for State Civil Defense
• It’s an easy walk to the summit for spectacular views of the ocean and coastline
• It is a backdrop to a transformation of social, political and religious events

Diamond Head was given its name by British sailors who found natural calcite crystals on the slopes of the mountain and mistook them for diamonds. Hawaiians called the volcanic cone Lēʻahi, Laeʻahi or Lae-ahi. Translations include: “brow of the ʻahi” and “cape of fire.”

In the legend of Pele and Hi‘iaka, Hi‘iaka is said to have compared Diamond Head to the brow of the ‘ahi: Me he i‘a la ka Lae o Ahi; E kalali au ae nei i ke kai – Like a fish is the Brow-of-the-ahi Resting high above the sea.

Other names for Diamond Head include Point Rose (given to the geologic feature in 1786 by Captain Nathaniel Portlock in honor of the secretary of the British treasury), Diamond Hill and Conical Mountain.

Geologically speaking, Diamond Head is a dormant volcanic tuff cone, with a variable-height rim surrounding the recessed interior area; the eruption of Diamond Head took place well over 150,000-years ago.

The highest point (at 761-feet) on the southwest rim of Diamond Head is known as Lēʻahi Summit (most of the rim is between 400-500-feet.) The crater is on the southern coastline of Oʻahu, approximately one-and-a-half miles south of the Koʻolau range.

From at least the 15th century, chiefly residences lined the shore of Waikīkī, and cultivated fields spread across the Waikīkī plain to the foot of the crater and inland to the Ko‘olau valleys. There were several heiau in Waikīkī, of which several were located around Diamond Head.

One of Kamehameha’s main heiau (also suggested as a surfing heiau,) Papaʻenaʻena (also called Lēʻahi Heiau,) was situated at the base of the southern slopes.

Other heiau in the vicinity include Kupalaha Heiau, which may have been connected with Papaʻenaʻena, Pahu-a-Maui Heiau on the crater’s eastern cliffs overlooking the ocean (the site of the present Diamond Head lighthouse), Kapua Heiau near the present Kapiʻolani Park, and Ahi Heiau on the peak of Diamond Head.

In the early years of the 19th century, people tended gardens in the crater and one visitor described finding “an abundance of melons and watermelons growing wild, upon which we feasted”.

In 1831, the botanist, Dr. FJF Meyen, noted the crater contained a small pool of water “which was completely covered with plants”. (The crater pond was filled-in by military bulldozing; now, there is a seasonally-moist wetland where standing water can occasionally be seen.)

Some have suggested there is little likelihood for archaeological sites of pre-contact Hawaiian or early post-contact origin in the crater. The archival research suggests that the only Hawaiian activity that might have taken place in the crater was dryland farming (dating to 1822.)

In the Great Māhele division of lands between the king and his high chiefs, Diamond Head, which lies within the ¬ʻili of Kapahulu in the ahupua¬ʻa of Waikīkī, was awarded to William C. Lunalilo, the future king of Hawaiʻi (1873-1874).

In the early 1860s, Mark Twain commented, “On the seventh day out we saw a dim vast bulk standing up out of the wastes of the Pacific and knew that that spectral promontory was Diamond Head, a piece of this world which I had not seen before for twenty-nine years.”

“So we were nearing Honolulu, the capital city of the Sandwich Islands – those islands which to me were Paradise; a Paradise which I had been longing all those years to see again. Not any other thing in the world could have stirred me as the sight of that great rock did.”

In 1884, the Kapahulu portion of Lunalilo’s Māhele award was subdivided by the Lunalilo Estate. Diamond Head was transferred from the estate to the Hawaiian Government.

The summit of Lēʻahi affords an excellent and unobstructed view of the ocean from Koko Head in the east, to beyond the ʻEwa Plain to Wai‘anae in the west. The utility of Diamond Head did not go unnoticed by the U.S. Army.

In 1906, the US government acquired the 729-acres of Lunalilo’s property from the Hawaiian Government, as well as other adjacent lands (including Black Point), to create Fort Ruger Military Reservation, the easternmost of the coastal defense forts.

From 1963 to 2001, the FAA had its air traffic control facilities in Diamond Head crater, which guided Hawai‘i-bound aircraft from 250 miles outside the Islands to within 20 miles of their intended airport.

Diamond Head State Monument was first officially established under an Executive Order by Hawaiʻi’s Governor Quinn in 1962; nearly 500-acres of land now make up the Monument.

This early designation covered about 145-acres in a horseshoe configuration preserving the famous profile and the south and west exterior slopes from the crater rim down to Diamond Head Road. Subsequently, Executive Orders have added additional lands to the Monument.

The interior of the crater had been closed to the public from 1906 until 1968. (Remember the Sunshine Festivals back then?) In 1976, DLNR’s Division of State Parks became the agency responsible for the planning and management of the Monument – it is now open every day.

Two major tunnels (Kāhala Tunnel and Kapahulu Tunnel) provide pedestrian and vehicular access into the crater.

Two separate trail systems (interior and exterior) address different needs and purposes. The exterior trail system has a dual function as a jogging and bicycle path traversing the mauka end of the Monument and along the existing trail on the lower ʻEwa-makai slopes. The interior trail system leads to the summit of Lē¬ʻahi (1.6-mile round trip.)

Diamond Head is open daily 6 am to 6 pm, every day of the year including holidays, with entrance Fees of $5.00 per car or $1 per person for pedestrians (the money goes to State Parks.) Mountain Biking is not allowed on this trail. No dogs allowed in Diamond Head State Monument.

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