Hawaiian Traditions | Images of Old Hawaiʻi

November 1, 2026 by Peter T Young Leave a Comment

Koa House

In 1840, John Joseph Halstead sailed to Hawai‘i on a whaling ship bringing with him from New York carpentry and cabinet-makings skills. He set up a shop in Lāhainā. (Martin) He was said to be the first man to put up a frame house in Lāhainā.

With the news of the discovery of gold in California in 1848, came orders from San Francisco merchants for Irish potatoes and other food supplies for those heading to the gold fields.

Halstead did not join the pioneers of 1849; He moved over to Kalepolepo, along the Kihei shoreline, with his family and shortly thereafter built a new house for himself. (Wilcox)

It was a large Pennsylvania Dutch style house made entirely of koa, built next to the south wall of Koʻieʻie Loko I‘a (fishpond) (also called Kalepolepo Fishpond.)

Halstead’s three story house/store was nicknamed the ‘Koa House.’ With the mullet-filled fishpond, the Koa House became a popular retreat for Hawaiian royalty such as Kamehameha III, IV, V and Lunalilo. (Starr)

No one remembers the actual date of construction of Koa House, but the fact that King Liholiho (Kamehameha IV), visited Kalepolepo on a royal tour immediately after accession to the throne in the fall of 1854, and stayed overnight as the guest of Halstead, its owner, is proof it was built before that time. (Wilcox)

Its timbers were from saw mills in East Makawao and from Kula, partly hewn and whip-sawed by hand Into shape, for labor was cheap In the good old days. Also pine and other material brought around Cape Horn by early traders.

When finished the first floor was fitted up with koa wood counters and shelves, and used for a store. The upper floors were used for living quarters. Many of the larger pieces of furniture were made of koa wood by Halstead himself. (Wilcox)

He opened a trading station on the lower floor. Whalers came ashore to buy fresh produce that was brought in by the farmers via the Kalepolepo Road.

He promoted the Irish potato industry in Kula, which even then was a thriving industry for provisioning whale ships in their seasonal voyages after whales.

At Halstead’s Kalepolepo Store a cartload of potatoes – thirty to forty bags – could readily be exchanged for a bolt of silk or other provisions.

During the Irish potato boom of those days any native farmer with an acre or two of potatoes would sell his crop, and as soon as he received payment in fifty-dollar gold pieces he would hurry off to the nearest store to buy a silk dress for his wife or a broadcloth suit for himself.

Halstead held his share of the Irish potato trade against more promising cash offers made by his business rivals. So lively was the competition that LL Torbert of ʻUlupalakua conceived the idea of an Irish potato corner.

He sent out his men and bought up all the Irish potatoes in sight, paying as high as five dollars for a bag of potatoes, a fabulous price for those days when native labor was plentiful at twenty-five cents a day.

Having cornered all the potatoes to be had, he shipped about $20,000 worth by the bark Josephine for San Francisco. The bark proved leaky, water got into the potato-filled holds and rotted them so that on arrival at San Francisco not enough good potatoes were left in the cargo to pay the freight bill.

At that time Kalepolepo was a thriving village, with two churches, a Mormon church where George Cannon or Walter Murray Gibson expounded the Christian doctrines of Joseph Smith against Christian Calvinism as preached by the Reverend Green and David Malo.

Reportedly, Halstead’s old house at Kalepolepo was Rev Green’s granary during the wheat boom of the 1850s and early-1860s, when the upper Makawao country from Maliko to Waiohuli was cropped to wheat.

Possibly some wheat may have been shipped from Kalepolepo in those days, for from early times to the late-1860s it was a shipping port for Wailuku and Kula. Halstead had one or two big warehouses standing makai of his residence.

In the late sixties the Irish potato trade had become unimportant and later ceased altogether. In 1876, Halstead closed his store and moved to ʻUlupalakua, where he died eleven years later, May 3, 1887. (Wilcox)

The koa house remained standing until it was burned down in 1946 by the Kihei Yacht Club. (NPS) (Lots of information here is from NPS and Wilcox.)

John Joseph Halstead-Koa House-Paradise of the Pacific-1921

October 21, 2026 by Peter T Young Leave a Comment

Kapaka

Hanohano ʻia home aʻo Kapaka
E kipa aʻe e nā pua a ka lehulehu
Ka nehe o ke kai lana mālie
Ke ʻala līpoa e moani nei
A ʻike i ka nani o Kaliʻuwaʻa
Ka beauty aʻo Sacred Falls aʻu i aloha
Hoʻi au i ka home o nā Makua
Nanea e hauʻoli me nā hoaloha
Puana kuʻu mele no Kapaka
E kipa aʻe e nā pua a ka lehulehu

Proud are we of our home, Kapaka
Where there is welcome for all
The lapping of the sea is gentle
The fragrance of seaweed is in the air
Behold the splendor of Kaliʻuwaʻa
The beauty of Sacred Falls, that I love
I go to the home of my parents
To relax and be happy with loved ones
My song is a story for Kapaka
Where there is welcome for all
(Home Kapaka – Mary Pukui, music by Maddy Lam (Huapala))

Kapaka is an ahupuaʻa in Koʻolauloa on the windward coast of Oʻahu. (23-ahupua‘a (traditional land division) make up the district of Koʻolauloa.) Kapaka (the tobacco) takes its name from the crop that was once grown there. (Huapala)

The Islands grew “four different kinds of tobacco … some of them are much better than others”. (Royal Hawaiian Agricultural Society, 1854)

First, native tobacco – when tobacco was first introduced into these islands, there were two kinds cultivated by the natives, one with a large round leaf, and the other with a smaller and more pointed one.

Second, there were some plants from seeds introduced from Havana by Robert C Wyllie. Both in appearance and flavor, the tobacco bears a strong resemblance to the broad-leafed native kind, and none but one well acquainted with tobacco, could distinguish them.

Third, there were a few plants from seed sent us by William L Lee, procured by him from the NYSA Society. It has a very small, round and fine leaf, and a superior tobacco.

Fourth, seed sent by John Montgomery; the plant is so different from any other we have seen, that it was suppose it was from Manila. (Royal Hawaiian Agricultural Society, 1854)

Later, “Cooperative experiments with tobacco have been conducted on the island of Hawaii with the object of producing a type of tobacco that is especially adapted to Hawaiian conditions.” (USDA; Pacific Commercial Advertiser, December 19. 1904)

Kapaka was an ahupuaʻa anomaly in that a ‘lele’ of Kapaka is situated in the adjoining ahupuaʻa of Kaluanui. Lele (’jumps’) are distinct sections of land in different parts of an ahupuaʻa (in this case, the Lele of Kapaka ‘jumped’ to a portion of the adjoining ahupuaʻa.)

“The district of Koʻolauloa is of considerable extent along the sea coast, but the arable land is generally embraced in a narrow strip between the mountains and the sea, varying in width from one half to two or three miles.”

“Several of the vallies are very fertile, and many tracts of considerable extent are watered by springs which burst out from the banks at a sufficient elevation to be conducted over large fields, and in a sufficient quantity to fill many fish ponds and taro patches.” (Hall, 1839; Maly)

“Lele o Kapaka” contained approximately 6.75 acres, and by its location on the kula of Kaluanui, it was presumably used for agricultural production, perhaps lo‘i kalo or lo‘i ‘ai (taro pond fields,) irrigated by the system of ʻauwai which early land accounts describe as being on the kula lands. (Maly)

On January 28, 1848, King Kamehameha III and William Charles Lunalilo agreed to their Māhele ‘Āina, and as a result, the ahupua‘a of Kapaka, including the Lele o Kapaka, was kept by Lunalilo.

In 1864 and 1894 various leases were granted that encumbered Kapaka and the lele o Kapaka. Those leases noted, a thatched “house standing on the land … likewise, the pa (wall or fence) surrounding the land (were to be maintained.)”

Likewise, the tenant may “cut and collect the mikinolia, guava, and hau trees for fire-wood and fencing, and the hau bark to be used as cordage, from places pointed out (and) may also release six animals upon the Kula, under the direction of the Luna Paniolo.” The latter lease allowed cultivation of rice on the Lele land. (Ulukau)

Lunalilo followed Kamehameha V as King of Hawai‘i; when he died in 1874, income from the sale of his lands was used to fund development and operation of the Lunalilo Home for elderly Hawaiians.

October 20, 2026 by Peter T Young Leave a Comment

Moʻokini Heiau

“Ancient Hawaiians had many types of heiau, each with their own distinct function and use by particular segments of society. Heiau ranged in size from single upright stones to massive and complex structures.”

“Larger heiau were built by ali’i (chiefs), but the largest and most complex, the luakini heiau (sacrificial temple), could only be constructed and dedicated by an ali‘i ‘ai moku.”

“Luakini heiau were reserved for rituals involving human or animal sacrifice and were generally dedicated to the war god Ku. Rituals performed at a luakini heiau highlighted the ali‘i ‘ai moku’s spiritual, economic, political, and social control over his lands and his authority over the life and death of his people. (NPS)

“According to her genealogical chant, passed down orally from generation to generation of kahuna nui in her family, [Mo‘okini Heiau in Kohala] as built in the year 480 by her ancestor, Kuamo’o Mo’okini.”

“The ancient chant reveals that her people came to Hawaii from the shores of Kapakapauaakane in the Persian Gulf. Wherever the migrating Mo‘okini priests stopped, they built a temple to house their god, then continued on.” (Momi Lum; Pitzer, Kahuna)

Kuamo’o Mo’okini accompanied the high chief Mo‘ikeha, famous for his trip and sojourn to another Polynesian island group in the South Pacific and who returned to Hawai‘i to become the ruling chief of Kauai Island and whose numerous descendants became famous in their own rights. (NPS, National Register)

“’We have two bloodlines in the family, the priestly line and the kingly line,’ she says. ‘The kingly line is secondary to the kahuna line.’”

“‘We belong to the highest order of the priesthood, the order of Ku. We have to be masters of everything.’” (Momi Lum; Pitzer, Kahuna)

“Mo‘okini Luakini, located near the northernmost tip of the Big Island, is the largest ancient temple of its type in Hawaii – a war heiau, dedicated to the god Ku. Here the kings and ruling chiefs fasted, prayed and offered human sacrifices.” (Pitzer, Kahuna)

“The well-preserved walls and interior paving and platforms, built without mortar, testify to skills of ancient Hawaiian stonemasons and their ability to assemble unworked basalt rocks into massive and complex structures.”

“Hawaiian oral literature and Western historical accounts indicate Mo‘okini was the principal temple for centuries in the Big Island district of Kohala; associated with ruling chiefs and their high priests; and was of the class of temples called luakini, the highest class, and which required regular human sacrifices.” (NPS, National Register)

“This masonry structure is an irregular parallelogram in plan, about 267 feet (8l meters) on the west side; 250 feet (76 m) on the east side; 135 feet (41 m) on the north side; and 112 feet (34 m) on the south.”

“This ancient Hawaiian temple features an open paved stone court that is enclosed on four sides “by stone walls, which in 1977 vary in height from about seven feet (2 meters) to l4 feet (4 m). The original walls may have been as high as 20 feet (6 meters).”

“The walls are of basalt boulders; stacked and without mortar; with bases as thick as ten feet (almost 3 meters). The enclosing walls have tapered sides, both exterior and interior.”

“Hawaiian oral tradition says that the boulders were passed hand to hand from Niuli‘i, about 10 miles (l6 kilometers) distant for the construction, possibly involving as many as 15,000 men standing in line.”

“The ground-level entrance, wide enough to pass one person at a time, is in the middle of the west wall. Inside and across the northerly end is a raised stone platform, three or four stones high, which once held images, fires, the altar and perhaps wooden towers.”

“Detached stone platforms, one or two stones high, are scattered within the courtyard and once held thatched temple buildings.” (NPS, National Register)

“It was typical of ancient Hawaiian settlement patterns for a ruling chief’s housing complex to be near and associated with a Luakini class heiau. This is one of the few cases in Hawai’i when the exact locations of the temple and its associated housing complex are known.”

“Over the centuries, Kapakai as a royal housing complex served as the residence of ruling chiefs and their associates when ceremonies were conducted in Mo‘okini Heiau. Nothing would have been permitted to intrude visually between these two associated areas of sacred land.”

“Temple ceremonies lasted several nights and days. During this time, ruling chiefs and high priests would leave the temple for short periods to return to their housing complexes, still under some restrictions as to their behavior.” (NPS, National Register)

“Alapa‘i probably conducted pre-war ceremonies in Mo‘okini before his invasion of Maui ca. 1753. It was during this ceremonial period that Kamehameha was born in the Kapakai housing complex. Later, Kamehameha, and still later his son Liholiho, probably stayed at Kapakai while they led rituals in Mo‘okini.:

“Mo‘okini temple was last active as a war temple for Kamehameha the Great in the last two decades of the 18th century. It is said to have housed the Kamehameha family war god, Ku-ka-‘ili-moku, and this feathered god transferred to Pu’ukohola Heiau, Kawaihae, Kohala District, Hawai’i Island, in 1791, when Kamehameha the Great built this new war temple to assure his conquest of all the Hawaiian Islands.”

“Mo‘okini Heiau was one of the luakini and other state temples used regularly by Kamehameha the Great’s son and heir, Liholiho, in the second decade of the 19th century.”

“It was Liholiho, who as Kamehameha II, abolished in 1819 that part of the ancient religion that depended on such temples as Mo‘okini. He ordered the destruction of the temples. The walls and platforms of Mo‘okini were not destroyed.”

“On all islands, platforms of a number of temples as important as Mo‘okini were not disturbed in spite of royal orders. Mo‘okini and the others had acquired a spiritual significance (mana) which protected them against human destruction, a significance which has been retained, in part, through today. (NPS, National Register)

“Throughout the centuries, Mo‘okini descendants have continuously acted as its guardian / priests . Currently, Oliver Lum and his daughter, Mealani are the guardians and before them Oliver’s mother Leimomi Lum, her father Dewey Lum and her uncle Heloke.” (Wizinowich)

“My father Dewey Oliver Mookini was the assistant chief of police, my husband Alexis Theodore Lum was the state adjutant general, and I was the first policewoman in Hawaii.”

“Growing up with the Sacred Hearts sisters in Catholic school helped form me in my faith. Going to church with my parents and receiving the Holy Eucharist every Sunday and on holy days is important to me. Being brought up a Catholic is something no one can take from me.” (Momi Lum, Hawaii Catholic Herald)

“Some question how I can be the kahuna nui of the Mookini heiau and also a Catholic? As a kahuna, I respect what the kahunas believe in. I respect Kuamo‘o Mo‘okini from the year 480 A.D. I respect my uncle’s beliefs in his religion, the Hawaiian religion.”

“If not for my bloodline, I would not be here. However, I was raised by the nuns and love my parents for the way they brought me up. I don’t think I would be as strong as I am today, otherwise.” (Momi Lum, Hawaii Catholic Herald)

October 14, 2026 by Peter T Young 2 Comments

Loyalty to Locality

Using stratigraphic archaeology and refinements in radiocarbon dating, studies suggest it was between approximately AD 1000 and 1200 that “Polynesian explorers first made their remarkable voyage from central Eastern Polynesia Islands, across the doldrums and into the North Pacific, to discover Hawai‘i.” (Kirch)

The motivations of the voyagers varied. Some left to explore the world or to seek adventure. Others departed to find new land or new resources because of growing populations or prolonged droughts and other ecological disasters in their homelands. (PVS)

Early settlement patterns in the Islands put people on the windward sides of the islands, typically along the shoreline. Settlement patterns tended to be dispersed and without major population centers.

Most of the makaʻāinana (common people) were farmers, a few were fishermen. Tenants cultivated smaller crops for family consumption, to supply the needs of chiefs and provide tributes.

Fishermen and their families living around the bays and the beaches, or at isolated localities along the coast where fishing was practicable, led a life that was materially simpler than that of planters who dwelt on the plains.

There was no term for village. The typical homestead or kauhale consisted of the sleeping or common house, the men’s house, women’s eating house, and storehouse, and generally stood in relative isolation in dispersed communities.

The terrain and the subsistence economy naturally created the dispersed community of scattered homesteads. It was only when topography or the physical character of an area required close proximity of homes that villages existed.

Where conglomerations of homesteads existed, they were not communities held together either by bonds of kinship or economic interdependence.

A spring (or springs) was sometimes the reason for a village-like conglomeration of homesteads. “But it is along and in the streams which rush through the bottoms of these narrow gorges that the Hawaiian is most at home.”

“Go into any of these valleys, and you will see a surprising sight : along the whole narrow bottom, and climbing often in terraces the steep hillsides, you will see the little taro patches, skillfully laid so as to catch the water, either directly from the main stream, or from canals taking water out above.” (Nordhoff, 1874)

The true community in which sundry homesteads were integrated by socio-religious and economic ties was the dispersed community of ʻohana. This word signifies relatives by blood, marriage, and adoption.

In the course of native settlement, as the early Hawaiians spread from fishing sites on the shore to inland areas and fanned out over the plains and hills from original centers of settlement, households with ties of relationship became scattered.

Some located on upland slopes (ko kula uka,) some on the plains toward the sea (ko kula kai,) and some along the shore (ko kaha kai.) Neighborly interdependence, the sharing of goods and services, naturally resulted in the settling of contiguous lands by a given ʻohana rather than in a scattering over an entire district.

In this way there came to be an association of particular ʻohana with the land units later designated as ahupua‘a. Within a given ahupua‘a the heads of the respective ʻohana were responsible for seeing that their people met the tax levy prescribed by the konohiki, the ali‘i’s land supervisor.

The heads of the ʻohana groups were called haku or haku ‘āina. So far as is known there was no formal procedure involved in the choice of a haku for an ʻohana.

He came by his responsibility through seniority and competence. His authority was a matter of common consent rather than formal sanction; he was not appointed, he was not elected.

There was a high degree of stability or permanence of tenure despite the general turnover of authority and titles to the land whenever a new aliʻi came into power, owing to the fact that particular ʻohana enjoyed the rights of occupancy and use and faithfully fulfilled their obligations.

In many cases their ancestors had pioneered the area and cultivated it since the earliest era of Hawaiian settlement. Actually it was to the advantage of an aliʻi to maintain the occupancy of diligent cultivators of the land.

Thus the kauhale, the homesites of established ʻohana, were permanent features of the landscape, and the vested interest of any given family was equivalent to a title of ownership, so long as the landsman labored diligently to sustain his claim and was loyal to his aliʻi.

People identify themselves not just with the chiefdom (moku,) but with the ahupua‘a which was their homeland. This was true throughout the Hawaiian Islands.

This loyalty to locality, the identification of persons with family or ʻohana and with the ‘āina that nourished the ʻohana is an attitude that was ingrained. (The information here is from Handy & Handy with Pukui.)

October 12, 2026 by Peter T Young Leave a Comment

About the Time of Columbus

The first Europeans to arrive in North America were likely the Norse, traveling west from Greenland, where Erik the Red had founded a settlement around the year 985. In 1001 his son Leif is thought to have explored the northeast coast of what is now Canada and spent at least one winter there.

While Norse sagas suggest that Viking sailors explored the Atlantic coast of North America down as far as the Bahamas, such claims remain unproven. Later, the ruins of some Norse houses dating from that era were discovered at L’Anse-aux-Meadows in northern Newfoundland, thus supporting at least some of the claims the Norse sagas make.

About that same time in the Islands, using stratigraphic archaeology and refinements in radiocarbon dating, studies suggest it was between approximately AD 1000 and 1200 that “Polynesian explorers first made their remarkable voyage from central Eastern Polynesia Islands, across the doldrums and into the North Pacific, to discover Hawai‘i.” (Kirch)

Kamakau noted, in early Hawaiʻi “The parents were masters over their own family group … No man was made chief over another.” Essentially, the extended family was the socio, biological, economic, and political unit.

Kamakau states that there were no chiefs in the earliest period of settlement but that they came “several hundred years afterward … when men became numerous.”

As the population increased and wants and needs increased in variety and complexity (and it became too difficult to satisfy them with finite resources,) the need for chiefly rule became apparent.

As chiefdoms developed, the simple pecking order of titles and status likely evolved into a more complex and stratified structure.

Fast forward to Europe … Christopher Columbus left Spain in August, 1492, sailed directly westward, and in October came upon an outlying island of the West Indies. Although Columbus saw some of the other islands, he never touched the continent of North America.

Columbus (who was looking for a new route to India, China, Japan, and the ‘Spice Islands’ of Indonesia to bring back cargoes of silk and spices (ginger turmeric, and cinnamon)) never saw the mainland United States, but the first explorations of the continental United States were launched from the Spanish possessions that he helped establish.

At about the same time of Christopher Columbus crossing the Atlantic to America exciting stuff was happening here in the Hawaiian Islands.

The political governance and land management system by Aliʻi-ai-moku, was expanding and developing after two centuries since its inception, and there was a wake of progress taking place on our shores.

It was a natural progression, which began with three brothers as the first Aliʻi-ai-moku in the 12th century; Kumuhonua on Oʻahu, Olopana on Hawaiʻi, and Moikeha on Kauai, as grandsons of Maweke. (Yardley)

When they arrived from Tahiti with their new system, their first cousins were already serving as High Chiefs – “Laakona, High Chief of Ewa; Nuakea, Queen Consort of Molokai; Moi, kaula (prophet) of Molokai; and Hinakaimauliawa, High Chiefess of Koolau.” (Beckwith, Yardley)

Then, in the time of Columbus, the new Aliʻi-ai-moku were: Māʻilikūkahi on Oʻahu, Piʻilani on Maui, ʻUmi-a-Līloa on Hawaiʻi and Kukona on Kauai.

Several monumental actions were taking place in Hawaiʻi with a new form of land description, major infrastructure, an adaptive form of agriculture, and peaceful, chivalrous governance.

Māʻilikūkahi is noted for clearly marking and reorganizing land division palena (boundaries) on O‘ahu. Defined palena brought greater productivity to the lands; lessened conflict and was a means of settling disputes of future aliʻi who would be in control of the bounded lands; protected the commoners from the chiefs; and brought (for the most part) peace and prosperity.

According to oral tradition, Piʻilani unified the entire island of Maui, bringing together under one rule the formerly-competing eastern (Hāna) and western (Wailuku) multi-district kingdoms of the Island. Chief Piʻilani (“stairway to heaven”) unified West Maui and ruled in peace and prosperity. His territory included Nā Hono a Pi‘ilani, the six West Maui bays, a place he frequented.

Piʻilani’s prosperity was exemplified by a boom in agriculture and construction of heiau, fishponds, trails and irrigation systems. Famed for his energy and intelligence, Piʻilani constructed the West Maui phase of the noted Alaloa, or long trail (also known as the King’s Highway.)

On the Island of Hawaiʻi, ʻUmi-a-Līloa (ʻUmi) from Waipiʻo, son of Līloa, also started to divide the lands following this similar mauka-makai orientation.

ʻUmi also started a significant new form of agriculture in Kona; archaeologists call the unique method of farming in this area the “Kona Field System.” (These are long, narrow fields that ran along the contours, along the slopes of Mauna Loa and Hualālai; farmers then planted different crops, according to the respective rainfall gradients.)

The Kona Field System was described as “the most monumental work of the ancient Hawaiians.” The challenge of farming in Kona is to produce a flourishing agricultural economy in an area subject to frequent droughts, with no lakes or streams for irrigation.

Kukona (7th aliʻi ʻaimoku (high chief or king) of Kauai), whose name in Hawaiʻi became a symbol of the very highest ideals of chivalry in battle, was born in Kōloa and fought his defining battle at Po’ipū. His year of birth is estimated at around 1405.

Back on the Island of Hawai‘i there was eruption going on … the longest recorded eruption at Kilauea, arguably, was the ʻAilāʻau eruption and lava flow in the 15th century, which may be memorialized in the Pele-Hiʻiaka chant. It was the largest in Hawaiʻi in more than 1,000-years.

The flow was named after ʻAilāʻau – ʻAi means the “one who eats or devours.” Lāʻau means “tree” or a “forest.” ʻAilāʻau was, therefore, the forest eating (destroying) fire-god. Time and again he laid the districts of South Hawaii desolate by the lava he poured out from his fire-pits. (He was the fire god before Pele arrived at Hawaiʻi Island.)

The ʻAilāʻau eruption took place from a vent area just east of Kilauea Iki. The eruption built a broad shield. The eastern part of Kilauea Iki Crater slices through part of the shield, and red cinder and lava flows near the center of the shield can be seen on the northeastern wall of the crater.

The eruption probably lasted about 60 years. Such a long eruption naturally produced a large volume of lava, estimated to be about 5.2 cubic kilometers (1.25 cubic miles) after accounting for the bubbles in the lava. The rate of eruption is about the same as that for other long-lasting eruptions at Kilauea.

This large volume of lava covered a huge area, about 166 square miles (over 106,000-acres) – larger than the Island of Lānai. From the summit of the ʻAilāʻau shield, pāhoehoe lava flowed 25-miles northeastward, making it all the way to the coast.

Lava covered all, or most, of what are now Mauna Loa Estates, Royal Hawaiian Estates, Hawaiian Orchid Island Estates, Fern Forest Vacation Estates, Eden Rock Estates, Crescent Acres, Hawaiian Acres, Orchid Land Estates, ʻAinaloa, Hawaiian Paradise Park and Hawaiian Beaches. (USGS)