Images of Old Hawaiʻi

by Peter T Young Leave a Comment

Evolution From Absolute Sovereign to Constitutional Government

Generally thought to have originated from the Marquesas Islands, evidence of early existence in the Hawaiian Islands indicates initial contact and settlement as early as 1000 AD to 1200 AD (some suggest it was later.)

Early on, with the family unit being the socio-political structure, there was no need for a hierarchical or complex society. However, as the population increased and wants and needs increased in variety and complexity, the need for chiefly rule became apparent.

Eventually, a highly stratified society evolved consisting of the Ali‘i (ruling class,) Kahuna (priestly and expert class of craftsmen, fishers and professionals) and Makaʻāinana (commoner class.)

Over the century, the islands weren’t unified under single rule. Leadership sometimes covered portions of an island, sometimes covered a whole island or groups of islands. Island rulers, Aliʻi or Mōʻī, typically ascended to power through warfare and familial succession.

At the period of Captain Cook’s arrival (1778-1779), the Hawaiian Islands were divided into four kingdoms: (1) the island of Hawaiʻi under the rule of Kalaniʻōpuʻu, who also had possession of the Hāna district of east Maui; (2) Maui (except the Hāna district,) Molokaʻi, Lānaʻi and Kahoʻolawe, ruled by Kahekili; (3) Oʻahu, under the rule of Kahahana; and at (4) Kauaʻi and Niʻihau, Kamakahelei was ruler.

There were family connections of these four to Kamehameha; the death of Kiwalaʻo; the “Four Kona Uncles” (Keʻeaumoku, Keaweaheulu, Kameʻeiamoku and Kamanawa (the last two are twins and are depicted on the Hawaiian Coat of Arms;)) permission from Kalola to marry her granddaughter (after the defeat of Maui) and how Kamehameha secured his “unification” by “sharing the spoils” of the conquests and “braided the bloodlines;” eventually leading to the agreement with Kaumualiʻi. (Yardley)

The kapu system was the common structure, the rule of order, and religious and political code. This social and political structure gave leaders absolute rule and authority.

When Kamehameha died on May 8, 1819, the crown was passed to his son, Liholiho, who would rule as Kamehameha II. Kaʻahumanu recruited Liholiho’s mother, Keōpūolani, to join her in convincing Liholiho to break the kapu system which had been the rigid code of Hawaiians for centuries.

Liholiho accomplished this simply by eating a meal with women – ʻai noa. When the Hawaiians saw that Liholiho was not struck down by angry gods, the entire kapu system was discarded.

This changed the course of the civilization and ended the kapu system, effectively weakened belief in the power of the gods and the inevitability of divine punishment for those who opposed them.

In addition to the abolition of the old ways, Kaʻahumanu created the office of Kuhina Nui (similar to premier, prime minister or regent) and would rule as an equal with Liholiho – this started the shift from absolute rule to shared rule.

The Kuhina Nui held equal authority to the king in all matters of government, including the distribution of land, negotiating treaties and other agreements, and dispensing justice.

Kaʻahumanu ruled first with Kamehameha II until his departure for England in 1823 (where he died in 1824) and then as regent for the young king Kauikeaouli (Kamehameha III).

The end of the kapu system happened before the arrival of the missionaries; Christianity and westernization soon filled the social and political void.

Christianity and the western law brought order and were the only answers to keeping order with a growing foreign population and dying race. Kamehameha III incorporated traditional customary practices within the western laws – by maintaining the “land division of his father with his uncles” – which secured the heirship of lands and succession of the throne, as best he could outside of “politics, trade and commerce.” (Yardley)

While Liholiho’s brother Kauikeaouli (Kamehameha III) ruled as monarch (with shared authority with the Kuhina Nui,) he, too, took bold steps in changing the structure of governance. Kamehameha III initiated and implemented Hawaiʻi’s first constitution (1840) (one of five constitutions governing the Islands – and then, later, governance as part of the United States.)

Of his own free will he granted the Constitution of 1840, as a boon to his country and people, establishing his Government upon a declared plan. (Rex v. Booth – Hanifin)

That constitution introduced the innovation of representatives chosen by the people (rather than as previously solely selected by the Aliʻi.) This gave the common people a share in the government’s actual political power for the first time.

In addition, the 1840 Constitution recognized rights of the people; its preamble read, “’God hath made of one blood all nations of men to dwell on the earth,’ in unity and blessedness. God has also bestowed certain rights alike on all men and all chiefs, and all people of all lands.”

“Absolute monarchy had come to an end in 1840. Since that time the kingdom had been governed under no less than four constitutions: the original one freely granted by Kamehameha III in 1840; one adopted by the legislature with the concurrence of the same King in 1852; one promulgated by Kamehameha V in 1864 on his own authority; and one granted in 1887 by Kalākaua as the result of a popular uprising.” (Spaulding – Kosaki)

For two centuries, the trend in Hawaiʻi has been toward expanding the numbers of people who have a say in all parts of their government: from Kamehameha I’s near-absolute monarchy to a hereditary oligarchy, to an oligarchy open to men with money, to American republic. (Hanifin)

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Council_of_Chiefs-(HerbKane)
Council_of_Chiefs-(HerbKane)

by Peter T Young Leave a Comment

Contact

“… at 5 o’clock we arrived there and saw a number of People, I believe between 2 and 300 … we still continued advancing, keeping prepared against an attack tho’ without intending to attack them …”

“… they fired one or two shots, upon which our Men without any orders rushed in upon them, fired and put ’em to flight; several of them were killed”. (Diary of Lt. John Barker, Library of Congress)

On April 19, 1775, the Battles of Lexington and Concord were the first military engagements of the American Revolutionary War. The battles marked the outbreak of open armed conflict between the Kingdom of Great Britain and its thirteen colonies of British North America.

The first shot (“the shot heard round the world”) was fired just as the sun was rising at Lexington. The American militia were outnumbered and fell back; and the British regulars proceeded on to Concord.

Following this, the Continental Congress adopted the Declaration of Independence and it was signed by 56-members of the Congress (1776.)

The next eight years (1775-1783) war was waging on the eastern side of the continent. The main result was an American victory and European recognition of the independence of the United States.

The formal end of the war did not occur until the Treaty of Paris and the Treaties of Versailles were signed on September 3, 1783 and recognized the sovereignty of the United States over the territory bounded roughly by what is now Canada to the north, Florida to the south, and the Mississippi River to the west.

The last British troops left New York City on November 25, 1783, and the US Congress of the Confederation ratified the Paris treaty on January 14, 1784.

It was the turning point in the future of the continent and an everlasting change in the United States.

At this same time, there was a turning point in the future of the Islands.

In the dawn hours of January 18, 1778, on his third expedition, British explorer Captain James Cook on the HMS Resolution and Captain Charles Clerke of the HMS Discovery first sighted what Cook named the Sandwich Islands (that were later named the Hawaiian Islands.)

Hawaiian lives changed with sudden and lasting impact, when western contact changed the course of history for Hawai‘i.

Cook continued to sail along the coast searching for a suitable anchorage. His two ships remained offshore, but a few Hawaiians were allowed to come on board on the morning of January 20, before Cook continued on in search of a safe harbor.

On the afternoon of January 20, 1778, Cook anchored his ships near the mouth of the Waimea River on Kauaʻi’s southwestern shore. After a couple of weeks, there, they headed to the west coast of North America.

After the West Coast, Alaska and Bering Strait exploration, on October 24, 1778 the two ships headed back to the islands; they sighted Maui on November 26, circled the Island of Hawaiʻi and eventually anchored at Kealakekua Bay on January 17, 1779.

At the time of Cook’s arrival (1778-1779), the Hawaiian Islands were divided into four kingdoms: (1) the island of Hawaiʻi under the rule of Kalaniʻōpuʻu, who also had possession of the Hāna district of east Maui; (2) Maui (except the Hāna district,) Molokaʻi, Lānaʻi and Kahoʻolawe, ruled by Kahekili; (3) Oʻahu, under the rule of Kahahana; and at (4) Kauaʻi and Niʻihau, Kamakahelei was ruler.

At that time of Cook’s arrival, Kalaniʻōpuʻu was on the island to Maui to contend with Kahekili, king of Maui. The east side of Maui had fallen into the hands of Kalaniʻōpuʻu and Kahekili was fighting with him to gain control.

Kalaniʻōpuʻu returned to Hawaiʻi and met with Cook on January 26, 1779, exchanging gifts, including an ʻahuʻula (feathered cloak) and mahiole (ceremonial feather helmet.) Cook also received pieces of kapa, feathers, hogs and vegetables.

In return, Cook gave Kalaniʻōpuʻu a linen shirt and a sword; later on, Cook gave other presents to Kalaniʻōpuʻu, among which one of the journals mentions “a complete Tool Chest.”

Throughout their stay the ships were plentifully supplied with fresh provisions which were paid for mainly with iron, much of it in the form of long iron daggers made by the ships’ blacksmiths on the pattern of the wooden pāhoa used by the Hawaiians. The natives were permitted to watch the ships’ blacksmiths at work and from their observations gained information of practical value about the working of iron. (Kuykendall)

After a month’s stay, Cook got under sail again to resume his exploration of the Northern Pacific. Shortly after leaving Hawaiʻi Island, the foremast of the Resolution broke and the ships returned to Kealakekua Bay for repairs.

On February 14, 1779, at Kealakekua Bay, some Hawaiians took one of Cook’s small boats. He attempted to take hostage the King of Hawaiʻi, Kalaniʻōpuʻu. The Hawaiians prevented this and Cook and some of his men were killed. Clerke took over the expedition and they left.

After the departure of the Resolution and Discovery, Kalaniʻōpuʻu left the bay and passed to Kaʻū, the southern district of Hawaiʻi, having in his charge the young Kaʻahumanu. He died shortly thereafter. (Bingham)

Following Kalaniʻōpuʻu’s death in 1782, the kingship was inherited by his son Kīwalaʻō; Kamehameha (Kīwalaʻō’s cousin) was given guardianship of the Hawaiian god of war, Kukailimoku.

Dissatisfied with subsequent redistricting of the lands by district chiefs, civil war ensued between Kīwalaʻō’s forces and the various chiefs under the leadership of Kamehameha. At the Battle of Mokuʻōhai (just south of Kealakekua) Kīwalaʻō was killed and Kamehameha attained control of half the Island of Hawaiʻi.

Kamehameha, through the assistance of the Kona “Uncles” (Keʻeaumoku, Keaweaheulu, Kameʻeiamoku & Kamanawa (the latter two ended up on the Island’s coat of arms;)), succeeded, after a struggle of more than ten years, in securing to himself the supreme authority over that island.

After further conquest Kamehameha took all of the islands, except Kauaʻi and Niʻihau – of which he gained control through negotiation in 1810. (And, a little later, back on the continent, the US and Britain battled in the War of 1812.)

It’s interesting how dynamic changes (each involving Great Britain) were occurring at the same time, at relatively opposite ends of the globe.

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by Peter T Young 1 Comment

Hiki‘au Heiau

After sailing around the island and exploring its northern and eastern sides, Captain Cook landed at Kealakekua Bay early in 1779.

When Cook arrived at Kealakekua, “they called Captain Cook Lono (after the god Lono who had gone away promising to return).” (Kamakau)

When Cook went ashore, he was taken to Hiki‘au Heiau and was seated above the altar and covered with a cloak of red tapa like that about the images.

Both chiefs and commoners said to each other, “This is indeed Lono, and this is his heiau come across the Sea from Moa-ʻula-nui-akea (land in Raʻiatea in the Society Islands) across Mano-wai-nui-kai-oʻo!” (Kamakau)

There are a number of reasons why the people may have thought Cook was the god Lono:

  • He arrived during the Makahiki festival, a time when the god Lono symbolically returned from his travels
  • Like Lono, Cook had come to the Hawaiian people from the sea
  • The shapes of the English ships were reminiscent of the kapa cloth and upright standards used in the Makahiki parades
  • Cook’s ships had sailed around Hawai’i clockwise, the same direction followed by Lono’s processions
  • Kealakekua, where Cook’s ships anchored, was the site of the important Hiki‘au Heiau dedicated to Lono

When Kalani‘ōpu‘u (Ali‘i ʻAimoku (High Chief or King) of the Island of Hawai‘i) met with Cook, he treated him with hospitality, giving him hogs, taro, potatoes, bananas and other provisions.

In addition, he gave feather capes, helmets, kahili, feather lei, wooden bowls, tapa cloths and finely woven mats. Cook gave Kalani’ōpu’u gifts in return.

When Captain Vancouver visited the islands in the 1790s, he provided the following description of Hiki‘au:“Adjoining one side of the Square was the great Morai (heiau,) where there stood a kind of steeple (‘anu‘u) that ran up to the height of 60 or 70 feet, …”

“… it was in square form, narrowing gradually towards the top where it was square and flat; it is built of very slight twigs & laths, placed horizontally and closely, and each lath hung with narrow pieces of white Cloth.”

“… next to this was a House occupied by the Priests, where they performed their religious ceremonies and the whole was enclosed by a high railing on which in many parts were stuck skulls of those people, who had fallen victims to the Wrath of their Deity.. . . In the center of the Morai stood a preposterous figure carved out of wood larger than life representing the . . . supreme deity. . ..”

John Papa I‘i wrote that in ca. 1812-1813, shortly after Kamehameha’s return to Hawai‘i, the king celebrated the Makahiki and in the course of doing so he rededicated Hiki‘au, “the most important heiau in the district of Kona”.

In 1819, Louis de Freycinet also visited Hiki‘au Heiau and stated: “The one [temple] of Riorio (Liholiho) in Kayakakoua (Kealakekua) was surrounded by a simple square palisade in the center of which were twelve hideous idols of gigantic proportions. …”

“Next to them rose the light wooden obelisk-like structure that we mentioned earlier and then a small terrace surrounding a wooden platform, which was supported by two stakes driven into the ground. This platform is where they sacrifice men and animals to these terrible deities.”

“… A rather large number of rocks, piled here and there without any seeming order, covered the ground. … In the center, as well as to the extreme right of the enclosure, stood wooden huts covered with palm leaves. One of these was reserved for the king during certain ceremonies and others for the priests.”

As a side note, you recall that Henry ʻŌpūkahaʻia left Hawai‘i in 1809 and sailed to the continent where he eventually inspired the first missionaries to volunteer to carry the message of Christianity to the islands.

ʻŌpūkahaʻia had wanted to join them in spreading the word of Christianity back home in Hawaiʻi, but died in 1818 of typhus fever before the first company of missionaries sailed to Hawaiʻi in 1819, landing at Kailua-Kona on April 4, 1820.

It is interesting to note that ʻŌpūkahaʻia (prior to leaving the islands) had been under the direction of his uncle, a kahuna (priest) at the Hiki‘au Heiau. It had been the hope of his uncle that Opukahaʻia would take his place as the kahuna at Hiki‘au Heiau.

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Attempts to Prevent Disease

In January 1778, Captain James Cook aboard the Resolution and Captain Charles Clerke aboard the Discovery were sailing from the Society Islands to the Northwest coast of North America on Cook’s Third Expedition of the Pacific Ocean.

“Although certainly ignorant of these environmental complications, Cook was sensitive to the need to prevent the members of his crew who were infected with venereal disease from passing their complaint on to the Hawaiian population.” (Pirie)

“As early as the second day of his landing, Cook took precautions to keep the venereal disease that was manifest among his men from spreading to the Hawaiians.” (Moore)

“As there were some venereal complaints on board both the ships in order to prevent its being communicated to the people, I gave orders that no women on any account whatever were to be admitted on board the ships, I also forbid all manner of connection with them, and ordered that none who had the venereal upon them should go out of the ships.” (Beaglehole)

“The order not to permit the crews of the boats to go on shore was issued, that I might do every thing in my power to prevent the importation of a fatal disease into this island, which I knew some of our men laboured under, and which, unfortunately, had been already communicated by us to other islands in these seas.”

“With the same view, I ordered all female visitors to be excluded from the ships. Many of them had come off in the canoes. Their size, colour, and features did not differ much from those of the men; and though their countenances were remarkably open and agreeable, there were few traces of delicacy to be seen, either in their faces, or other proportions.”

“The only difference in their dress, was their having a piece of cloth about the body, reaching from near the middle to half-way down the thighs, instead of the maro worn by the other sex.”

“They would as readily have favoured us with their company on board as the men; but I wished to prevent all connection, which might, too probably, convey an irreparable injury to themselves, and through their means, to the whole nation.”

“Another necessary precaution was taken, by strictly enjoining, that no person, known to be capable of propagating the infection, should be sent upon duty out of the ships.”

“Whether these regulations, dictated by humanity, had the desired effect, or no, time only can discover. I had been equally attentive to the same object, when I first visited the Friendly Islands; yet I afterward found, with real concern, that I had not succeeded.”

“And I am much afraid, that this will always be the case, in such voyages as ours, whenever it is necessary to have a number of people on shore.”

“The opportunities and inducements to an intercourse between the sexes are then too numerous to be guarded against; and however confident we may be of the health of our men, we are often undeceived too late.”

“It is even a matter of doubt with me, if it be always in the power of the most skilful of the faculty to pronounce, with any certainty, whether a person who has been under their care, in certain stages of this malady, is so effectually cured, as to leave no possibility of his being still capable of communicating the taint.”

“I think I could mention some instances which justify my presuming to hazard this opinion. It is likewise well known, that, amongst a number of men, there are generally to be found some so bashful as to endeavour to conceal their labouring under any symptoms of this disorder.”

“And there are others, again, so profligate, as not to care to whom they communicate it. Of this last, we had an instance at Tongataboo, in the gunner of the Discovery, who had been stationed on shore to manage the trade for that ship.”

“After he knew that he had contracted this disease, he continued to have connections with different women, who were supposed not to have already contracted it.”

“His companions expostulated with him without effect, till Captain Clerke, hearing of this dangerous irregularity of conduct, ordered him on board.” (Cook’s Journals)

“In spite of Cook’s precautions however, it is certain that venereal disease was passed on to the Hawaiian population during this visit. Because of high surf, a party of 20 men and an officer had to be left on Niihau for two days.” (Pirie)

“The Captain was very uneasy at their staying on shore, being apprehinsive, that his endeavours in hindring any connexions with the women would now be frustrat’d”. (King)

“… and by this unfortunate circumstance, the very thing happened, which, as I have already mentioned, I wished so heartily to prevent, and vainly imagined I had effectually guarded against.” (Cook’s Journal)

When Cook returned to the Islands, “On the 5th in the morning, we passed the south point of the island, … On this point stands a pretty large village, the inhabitants of which thronged off to the ship with hogs and women.”

“It was not possible to keep the latter from coming on board; and no women I ever met with were less reserved. Indeed it appeared to me that they visited us with no other view than to make a surrender of their persons.” (Cook’s Journal)

When they anchored at Kealakekua, Cook continued his fight against spreading venereal disease, a crewman, Will Bradley was given 2 dozen lashes for “having connections with women knowing himself to be injured with the Veneral disorder.” (Beagleton)

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Moment_of_Contact-(HerbKane)
Moment_of_Contact-(HerbKane)

by Peter T Young 1 Comment

Puhina o Lono Heiau

Cook had first arrived in Hawai’i in 1778, stopping off at Kauai; however, his return the following year coincided with the annual Makahiki, the season that honored Lono with tribute offerings, feasting, competitive games, and hula performances. Traditionally warfare was taboo during this period.

The emblem of Lono was an upright pole with crossbeam and hanging tapa cloth, which the Hawaiians likened to the mast and sails of the European ships.

During this visit to Hawai’i Island, Cook performed the first Christian ceremony at Hikiau Heiau, a funeral service for a crew member who had died January 28, 1779.

Within days, Cook’s ships departed and all would have gone well, but fate ordained otherwise. A broken mast forced Cook’s return to Kealakekua Bay for repairs.

By then the Makahiki had ended and attitudes had changed. There followed a skirmish at the water’s edge fronting Ka’awaloa village (a residence of ruling Chief Kalani‘ōpu‘u), and Captain Cook was slain.

Cook’s body was then taken to nearby Puhina o Lono Heiau for traditional Hawaiian rites that included cooking and cleaning flesh from his bones, an honor afforded to only the highest and most sacred Hawaiian chiefs. (Ala Kahakai)

“Some of Cook’s bones, considered sacred, were deposited in a heiau (temple) dedicated to Rono, on the opposite side of the island.”

“There religious homage was paid to them, and from thence they were annually carried in procession to several other temples, or borne by the priests around the island, to collect the offerings of the people for the support of the worship of the god Rono.”

“The bones were preserved in a small basket of wickerwork completely covered over with red feathers, which in those days were considered to be symbols of kingship or godship, and were the most valuable articles the natives possessed.”

Ellis stated that since the time of his arrival in the islands, in company with the deputation from the London Missionary Society in 1822, every endeavour had been made to learn, though without success, whether Cook’s bones were still kept, and their location.

All the Hawaiians of whom inquiry had been made had asserted that they were formerly kept by the priests of Rono, and worshipped as sacred objects.

“Whenever we have asked the king, or Hevaheva, the chief priest, or any of the chiefs, they have either told us they were under the care of those who had themselves said they knew nothing about them, or that they were now lost.”

“The best conclusion we may form is that part of Captain Cook’s bones were preserved by the priests, and were considered sacred by the people probably till the abolition of idolatry in 1819; that, at that period they were committed to the secret care of some chief, or deposited by the priests who had charge of them, in a cave, unknown to all besides themselves.”

“The manner in which they were then disposed of will, it is presumed, remain a secret, till the knowledge of it is entirely lost.” (Lack)

“At about one mile from the shore on the hill is a monument, erected in 1825 by Lord Byron, Captain of his Britannic majesty’s frigate ‘Blond,’ to the memory of Captain Cook. It consists of a simple wall of lava about five feet high, embracing a square of twenty feet, in the centre of which is a cedar post, twelve feet in height, and near the top a copper plate, with this inscription:”

“‘In memory of Captain James Cook, R. N., Who discovered these Islands, in the year of our Lord, 1778. This humble monument is erected by his fellow countrymen, in the year of our Lord, 1825.’”

“This post is completely covered with the initials of persons who have from time to time visited the spot, chiefly the masters, officers, and crews of vessels”. (Townsend)

Puhina o Lono (literally meaning ‘to burn Lono’, also sometimes referred to as “Cook’s Heiau”) was succinctly first described by archaeologists as “an enclosure where the bones of Captain Cook were extracted”.

There are two written accounts of visits to Puhina o Lono in the years immediately following the abolition of traditional religion in 1819, one by the missionary William Ellis and the other by the English naturalist Andrew Bloxam.

In 1823, Ellis travelled along the coast of Kealakekua Bay and gives a second-hand account of the upcountry site of Puhina o Lono:

“… Mr. Goodrich ascended a neighboring height, and visited the spot where the body of the unfortunate Captain Cook was cut to pieces, and the flesh, after being separated from the bones, was burnt.”

“It is a small enclosure, about fifteen feet square, surrounded by a wall five feet high; within is a kind of hearth, raised about eighteen inches from the ground, and encircled by a curb of rude stones. Here the fire was kindled on the above occasion; and the place is still strewed with charcoal. (Ellis)

A second visit to the site on July 15, 1825 is recounted in the journal of Andrew Bloxam. Bloxam describes a small group of British
Sailors – including himself, Lord George Anson Byron and other members of crew of the HMS Blonde …

… who were taken to the site by a local chief named Naihe (also referred to as Nahi) and told that this was the “spot where Captain Cook’s body was taken and cut up immediately after he was killed”.

Bloxam does, go into great detail in his description of the creation of a monument to Cook consisting of a “stone pyramid” with a wooden post holding a brass plaque:

In the center of this [enclosure] Lord Byron, Mr. Ball, Davis and I laid the first four stones of a pyramid to form the base of a monument to his memory.

A large post was fixed in the middle of this, and on the top was nailed a brass plate, with the following words engraved upon it: To the memory of Captain James Cook, R.N., who discovered these islands in the year of our Lord 1778. This humble monument was erected by his fellow countrymen in the year of our Lord 1825. (Flexner & McCoy)

The layout of the site and its surrounding features suggest that this was not a simple or small structure, a fact that in our view makes it unlikely it was specially built in the short time that elapsed between Captain Cook’s death and when his body was partially returned to his crew.

It is oriented to the local landform, rather than to a particular sacred direction; northeast being expected if it were dedicated to Lono. Further, there is documentary evidence to support the notion that at the time of contact the site was not used as a heiau.

An 1883 Hawaiian Government survey map of Kealakekua Bay shows the site as a rectangular enclosure labelled as Puhina o “Lono”.

While other sites on the 1883 map were identified as “Old Heiau”, Puhina o Lono was not. Other early references to Puhina o Lono also do not refer to it as a heiau. The site only begins to be referred to as a heiau in the 20th century, first as Puhina o Lono Heiau (USGS 1928) and later as Cook’s Heiau (USGS 1959).

If the site of Puhina o Lono was not purpose-built to process Cook’s body, and is also not a good fit for the architectural forms of heiau, there are a number of other possible roles it could have played in the ritual landscape.

“One scenario that we see as likely is that this structure was used in the preparation of high chiefs for burial. The close proximity of burial caves, and its placement outside both the primary coastal and upland residential zones, is circumstantial evidence supporting this interpretation.”

“(I)t would appear that Cook’s remains may have been treated in much the same fashion as a high chief, rather than requiring some new hitherto unknown and exceptional religious ritual apparatus.”

“While this is far from definitively settling the ‘apotheosis or not’ debate regarding Cook, it pushes us to think about how sites of religious ritual were being used in the earliest days of the post-contact period.”

“The timing of the HMS Blonde’s visit to Ka‘awaloa, so closely following the abolition of traditional religion is certainly a factor; but far more important to understanding this event is the purpose of the HMS Blonde’s visit to Hawai‘i.”

“Almost exactly a year earlier, Liholiho (King Kamehameha II) and his wife Queen Kamāmalu died from measles on a visit to the UK. The HMS Blonde returned the royal bodies to O‘ahu, then proceeded to Ka‘awaloa with the explicit purpose of creating a monument to Cook.”

“The placement of the monument in the centre of the enclosure, the same location as the hearth where Cook’s body was burnt, may have been deemed correct (pono) for the crew who had played a pivotal role in bringing the king and queen back to Hawai‘i for burial.”

“In sum, the monument’s construction does not necessarily indicate that the site was de-sacralised in a material expression of the wholesale replacement of one set of beliefs and values with another.”

“Rather, the specific historical context suggests the re-use of building materials in a continuously sacred, if transformed, architecture.” (Flexner & McCoy)

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