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June 23, 2018 by Peter T Young Leave a Comment

Evolving Heiau Construction

Oral histories of the Hawaiian temple system indicate that several functional types existed, although all that remains today is dry-laid lava rock foundations and the ruins of stone altars, offering pits, and the foundations of thatched houses and wooden images.

Three general functional categories have been identified archaeologically with the excavation of eight Maui temples, (1) small open court ancestral shrines, (2) large platform temples used for major political rituals and feasts that helped glorify successful chiefly lines, and …

(3) smaller enclosed temples used for local rituals and feasts that promoted collective cosmological principles and encouraged consensus among political groups.

These temples ranged in size from family structures (~2,000 sq ft) to medium-sized community shrines ( ~7,000 sq ft) and larger polity temples (upwards of ~21,000 sq ft – about one-half acre).

Analysis of radiocarbon data show progressive changes that occur over three centuries: from open temples ~AD 1400 to large platform temples ~AD 1500 and finally the addition of small enclosed temples ~AD 1600.

However, Kirch and Sharp report dates of near-surface coral dedicatory offerings taken from seven temples from the political district of Kahikinui, Maui, and an additional temple from the neighboring island of Molokai.

Because these dates all fall into a very short interval of 60 years (~AD 1565-1638), they argue that Kahikinui’s temple hierarchy was rapidly built during a time of predatory territorial expansion under the reign of a single Maui chief around the turn of the seventeenth century AD.

New data relevant to this was included in analysis by Kolb, including an extensive radio carbon dating chronology consisting of a corpus of 73 new and 17 published dates.

This new chronology indicates a prolonged period of island-wide temple construction (~ AD 1200-1800) that consisted of four distinct ‘periods’ which correlate with some important social trends noted in the oral-historical literature of Hawai‘i.

Kolb’s analysis notes four distinct modes with notable peaks at – AD 1240-60, 1360-80, 1540-60, and 1800-1820, each of which is statistically distinguishable (95% confidence interval) by cluster analysis.

The first mode peaks at AD 1220-60 – these early dates document the oldest temples in Hawai‘i. On Maui because the data comes from sound architectural contexts of seven different temples, they may also signify the inception of an island-wide temple network.

Oral traditions from the 13th century indicate that this was a period of intensive social change with a widening economic and social gap between chief and commoner, more authoritative chiefly rule and the formation of at least three ruling political districts (Lahaina, Wailuku and Hana).

These early temple building episodes were small, located upon promontories, tied to public activities of ancestor worship and dispersed across most of the island – characteristics of a formative temple network used to mark emerging territorial boundaries.

A second mode peaks at AD 1360-80; these dates mark the clear expansion of the temple network. Temple-building episodes representing this mode were similar in style and location to those of earlier temples but larger in scale.

Oral traditions speak about the late fourteenth and early fifteenth centuries as a period of political polarization between the genealogically distinct and often antagonistic ruling lines of East and West Maui.

Competition was intense and led to a series of intra-island wars over rank succession and territory. Conflicting genealogies during this time also lend credence to the idea of polarized and shifting rule.

The next mode peaks at AD 1560-80. Oral history of the sixteenth and early seventeenth centuries indicate, that this time was marked by political strife and the competing territories of East and West Maui eventually merged.

When this merger actually occurred, however, is difficult to say. At least three generations of chiefs are said to have been recognized as rulers by both East and West Maui: Kāka‘e, who ruled jointly with his brother Kaka‘alaneo; Kawaokaohele; and Pi‘ilani.

The final mode peaks at AD 1800-1820 (most Hawaiian temples were abandoned in AD 1819). Taken as a whole, these dates seem to indicate a final island-wide period of temple construction/use during the early nineteenth century.

Ethnohistory from this period sits on very firm ground, consisting pf numerous eyewitness Hawaiian and European accounts.

This was a time of interisland warfare and conquest, when competition between the Maui and Hawai‘i island ruling chiefs grew especially intense. The chiefs Kekaulike and Kahekili II dedicated numerous Maui war temples during the course oi their internecine struggles.

The Maui chiefly line abruptly ended in AD 1795, when Kamehameha I, a conquering chief from Hawai‘i Island, absorbed Maui into his emerging kingdom.

This last mode coincides with a flurry of temple activities that included Kamehameha’s rededication of the Maui temples in AD 1800-18001 to his own war god. It also coincides with other archaeological data documenting the rise of the Hawaiian incipient state, such as settlement intensification, internecine warfare and temple sacrificial activity.

The general trend of temple construction followed four phases between – AD 1200 and 1800, phases that correlate with some general sociopolitical trends distilled from ethnohistory.

These include (1) the formation of district-sized polities and the rise of chiefly prerogatives, (2) the expansion of the chiefly hierarchy and a bifurcation of the island into eastern and western kingdoms, (3) island unification and a shift in land tenure and (4) interisland competition and eventual absorption into a larger incipient state.

An important shift in temple construction and use coincided with island unification and a shift in land tenure and occurred – AD
1452-1625. Overall, the temple system followed a cycle of construction and use characteristic of incipient state development, coinciding with distinct periods of political tension when it was important to encourage and control social allegiances.

This pattern has significance for the development of complex societies throughout the world, where the processes of political formation and ritualized ideology can be interwoven with architectonic and economic questions in discussions of historical or archaeological change. (All here is from Kolb.)

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Piilanihale_Heiau_in_Kahanu_Garden
Piilanihale_Heiau_in_Kahanu_Garden
aerial-view-of-piilanihale-heiau
aerial-view-of-piilanihale-heiau
21-Hāpaiali‘i_Heiau_and_Ke‘ekū_Heiau
21-Hāpaiali‘i_Heiau_and_Ke‘ekū_Heiau
22-Mākole‘ā_Heiau
22-Mākole‘ā_Heiau
Hikiau Heiau
Hikiau Heiau
Oahu-Kailua-Ulupoheiau-gardenview
Oahu-Kailua-Ulupoheiau-gardenview
Mailekini_Heiau-Puukohola_Heiau-(USGS)
Mailekini_Heiau-Puukohola_Heiau-(USGS)
Kahanu-Garden-Aerial
Kahanu-Garden-Aerial
Hikiau-Heaiu
Hikiau-Heaiu
Heiau, probably Kukuionapeha, at the top of Koko Head Avenue, between Crater Road and what is now the Kaimuki Fire Station-(HSA)-PPWD-11-7-020
Heiau, probably Kukuionapeha, at the top of Koko Head Avenue, between Crater Road and what is now the Kaimuki Fire Station-(HSA)-PPWD-11-7-020
Ahuena_Heiau-Wikimedia_Commons
Ahuena_Heiau-Wikimedia_Commons
An illustration by William Ellis of the Morai (heiau) at Kealakekua-1782
An illustration by William Ellis of the Morai (heiau) at Kealakekua-1782
Ahuena_heiau_1816
Ahuena_heiau_1816
Periods of Heiau Construction-Kolb
Periods of Heiau Construction-Kolb

Filed Under: Ali'i / Chiefs / Governance, Hawaiian Traditions Tagged With: Hawaii, Heiau

June 16, 2018 by Peter T Young Leave a Comment

Reciprocal Responsibility

Hawaiian traditions establish a reciprocal relationship between people and living systems. Hawaiian culture evolved in the embrace of native ecosystems, land and sea.

As a result, Hawaiians developed an intimate relationship with their natural setting, marked by deep love, knowledge, and respect of these places. Exploring the Hawaiian relationship to the land reveals a service relationship; not land serving people, but people serving the land. (TNC)

If apathy is the enemy of positive action, then generating a caring relationship is the key to maintaining positive stewardship.

Hawaiian cultural elements pertinent to this include the ʻaumakua (ancestral god) relationship, holding that deified ancestors can take the form of native plants and animals, and the related kinolau concept, wherein living plants and animals may be a physical manifestation of a god, and thus held sacred. (TNC)

The foundations for this relationship can be seen in the Kumulipo, the Hawaiian chant of creation, thousands of lines long, in which people appear long after other living things, which themselves precede even the gods.

Hawaiian tradition holds we are the direct kin with the living elements of native ecosystems. Humans are the youngest siblings in the genealogy of creation, and the youngest are charged with care of the family elders. (TNC)

The natural world extends its kinship influence all the way up to the moral and spiritual basis for behavior; what is allowed and what is restricted. (TNC)

Wao Kele o Puna’s post-Contact history includes activities such as gathering of pulu and sandalwood, ranching, sugar plantations, and logging. Today, remnants of these activities such as old railroad tracks and artifacts like historic glass bottles can still be found in Wao Kele o Puna. (Kumupa‘a)

Currently, cultural traditions continue to be practiced and perpetuated within Wao Kele o Puna as illustrated in our ethnographic interview section. Notably, Wao Kele o Puna is still used to gather plants for medicinal and cultural purposes; to hunt pigs for food; and most importantly, to conduct cultural protocols to connect with nā akua, ʻaumākua, and kūpuna. (Kumupa‘a)

Native plant restoration and use is intricately connected to the overall health Hawai‘I’s ecosystems.

Being a practitioner doesn’t only come with gathering but it comes with taking care and kuleana. This part of the process is still missing. If the resources are being used, practitioners need to have some kind of responsibility to give back to the place.

Hawaiians consider native plants and animals as family and have a strong spiritual connection to the mountain landscape and the forest itself. Gathering plants such as ferns, maile, flowers, fruits, and other materials cannot be perpetuated into the future unless the forest remains relatively pristine. (Kumupa‘a)

“For all their proofs of aloha, Hawaiians did not tolerate people who took advantage of the ‘system.’”

“To believe otherwise is to misread the Hawaiian sense of fair play and reciprocity. Whatever some modern Hawaiians may want to think, pure altruism was not the basis of sharing.”

“Honest labor determined how much reward one man received as his share of the harvest. Given the size and intimacy of the micro-economy, in which no person’s actions could go unnoticed, a laggard would not have profited from his laziness.”

“Nonetheless, judging from the number of proverbs warning about the consequences of idleness, improvidence, duplicity, and other related faults, the people of old must have known enough misfits who tried to cheat the system.”

“Still, the stability and vitality of the social economy were established on such values as fair play, reciprocity, and honest effort.”

“All this confirms the impression of a society that was controlled and orderly.”

“While some modern folk might prefer to believe that such a disciplined populace was the product of stern and oppressive overlords, credit for that discipline is better given to a willing and obedient people. In Hawaiian society the willingness to give was all-important.”

“This, in turn, was related to two allied values: generosity and hospitality, because both meant sharing one’s possessions with others. To the Hawaiian mind the leader of a group, particularly a chief, set the standard of generosity.” (Kanahele)

It is expected that all who enter will do their share.

Participate – rather than ignore
Prevent – rather than react
Preserve – rather than degrade

No one constituency, no one community, no one resource management entity has the sole responsibility for and jurisdiction over the resources. Each of us shares the responsibility for the protection and preservation of our natural and cultural resources.

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Forest
Forest

Filed Under: Hawaiian Traditions Tagged With: Hawaii, Reciprocal Responsibility, Resources

June 3, 2018 by Peter T Young 2 Comments

Bates’ View of the Tabu

“The will of the high chief was a law from which there was no appeal. He could decide all cases of disputation, levy taxes, and proclaim war, just as best suited his purposes, and none but the royal counselors were permitted to take the least exception.”

“During their life, they were approached with the most absolute veneration; and after death, they were deified and worshiped.”

“A system of landlordism existed, decreasing in subserviency until it reached the monarch, whom it left an absolute lord. This system was originated and sustained by war.”

“The victors always seized the lands of the vanquished, and then gave them their followers. If a king, or chief, or sub-landlord, when passing through his district, happened to see a fine taro-patch, a hog, a mat, or a calabash, that suited his ideas, he had only to claim it, and it became his own.”

“If they wished to build a house, cultivate a tract of land, turn a water-course, or erect a temple for the gods, they had only to summon the people from a district, the entire island, or a neighboring island, and the work was speedily accomplished.”

“To refuse to obey the summons was to insure instant death. There were no courts of justice, no trials by jury, no fixed law, either oral or written.”

“The property, the services, the life, and almost the souls of the people, were claimed by their rulers.”

“But the broadest and most gloomy page of their past history is that which records their religious condition. It was a unity of Church and State.”

“The two heads of the nation were the king and priest, but the hierarch was paramount. There was a reciprocity of sacerdotal and kingly power: the first promised the favor of the gods, the latter the support of the spears hurled by banded warriors.”

“The paramount claims of the hierarch soon found a solid support in the foundation of the most hellish system … that has ever cursed fallen humanity. This was the tabu system.”

“As the tabu system expanded and strengthened, it imposed restrictions on every act, word, and thought; it covered every article of food, and related to every act of religious worship; it was so framed, that it was absolutely impossible not to violate its bloody requirements; its mandates even entered the sanctuaries families, and imposed a heavy restriction upon the rights of men and women.”

“When a couple entered the marriage state, the man must build an eating-house for himself, another for his god, another for a dormitory, another for his wife to eat in, and another in which to beat kapa: these four the men had to build.”

“In addition to this, he had food to provide; then he heated the oven and baked for his wife; then he heated the oven and baked for himself; then he opened the oven containing his wife’s taro, and pounded it; then he performed the same operation on his own.”

“The husband ate in his house, and the wife ate in hers. They did not eat together, lest they should be slain for violating the tabu.”

“A tabu existed in relation to idols. The gods of the chiefs and common people were of wood. If one made his idol of an apple-tree, the apple-tree was afterward tabu to him. So of all the trees of which idols were made.”

“So, too, of articles of food. If one employed taro as an object of his idolatry, to him the taro became sacred, and might not be eaten by him. Thus it was with every object of which a god was made.”

“Birds were objects of worship. If a hen, the hen was to him sacred. So of all the birds which were deified. Beasts were objects of worship. If a hog, the hog was sacred to him who chose it for his god. So, too, of all quadrupeds of which gods were made.”

“Stones were objects of worship, and tabu, so that one might not sit on them.”

“Fish were idolized. If one adopted the shark as his god, to him the shark was sacred. So, also, of all fish; so of all things in heaven and earth: even the bones of men were transformed into objects of worship.”

“A tabu was imposed on such accidental events as it was impossible for the common people to avoid. Hence, if the shadow of a common man fell on a chief-if he went into a chief’s yard-if he put on a kapa or malo of the chief, or wore the chief’s consecrated mat, or if he went upon the chief’s house, it was death!”

“So, if he stood when the king’s bathing-water, or kapa, or malo were carried along, or when the king’s name were mentioned in song, or if he walked in the shade of a chief’s house with his head besmeared with clay, or with a wreath round it, or wearing a kapa mantle, or with his head wet, it was certain death!”

“There were many other offenses of the people which were made capital by the chiefs and priests. H a woman ate pork, cocoanuts, bananas, a certain kind of fish, or lobster, it was death. To be found in a canoe on a tabu, day was death.”

“If a man committed a crime, he died; if he was irreligious, he died; if he indulged in connubial pleasures on a tabu, day, or if he made the slightest noise while prayers were saying, he had to die.”

“While the common people could commit no crime under penalty of death, the priests did as they pleased.”

“When one deemed it desirable that a temple should be built, he applied to the king, who commanded the natives to construct it; which being done, the king and priest were sacred; and on the day when a log of wood was obtained for a god, a man was sacrificed in order to impart power to the wooden deity.”

“When sacrifices were offered, men were slain and laid upon the altar with swine; if a fish proper for an offering could not be obtained, a man was sacrificed in its stead; and human victims were required on other occasions.”

“The king and the priest were much alike, and they constituted the main burden of the nation.” (All here is from Bates.)

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Hikiau_Heiau_illustration-William_Ellis_(Captian_Cook's_Crew)-1782
Hikiau_Heiau_illustration-William_Ellis_(Captian_Cook’s_Crew)-1782

Filed Under: Hawaiian Traditions, Ali'i / Chiefs / Governance Tagged With: Hawaii, Kapu, Kahuna, Chiefs

May 26, 2018 by Peter T Young Leave a Comment

Luakini

“There were two rituals which the king in his eminent station used in the worship of the gods; one was the ritual of Ku, the other that of Lono. The Ku-ritual was very strict (oolea), the service most arduous (ikaika).”

“The priests of this rite were distinct from others and outranked them. They were called priests of the order of Ku, because Ku was the highest god whom the king worshipped in following their ritual.”

“They were also called priests of the order of Kanalu because that was the name of their first priestly ancestor. These two names were their titles of highest distinction.”

“The Lona-ritual was milder, the service more comfortable. Its priests were, however, of a separate order and of an inferior grade. They were said to be of the order of Lono (moo-Lono ), because Lono was the chief object of the king’s worship when he followed the ritual. The priests of this ritual were also said to be of the order of Paliku.”

“David Malo uses the terms mua and heiau almost as if they were interchangeable, and meant the same thing. The mua was the men’s eating house, tabu to women. The family idol, were probably kept there, and it seems as if some part of it was set apart as a shrine or heiau.” (Malo)

“The heiau at which fishermen worshipped their patron deity for good luck was of the kind called kuula; but as to the gods worshipped by fishermen, they were various and numerous, each one worshipping the god of his choice. The articles made tabu by one god were different from those made tabu by another god.” (Malo)

“Heiau ma‘o … was a temporary structure of small size for the use of the aliis only, any when its purpose was over, it was taken down. It was a slight structure covered with tapa cloth stained with ma‘o, of a reddish color.”

“The Ku-koa‘e was a temple for purification. The meaning of the word seems to have reference to a standing apart, by itself. For an anahulu, ten days, the king must not enter into any other heiau.”

“The mapele was a thatched heiau in which to ask the gods blessing on the crops. Human sacrifices were not made at this heiau; pigs only were used as offerings.”

“Any chief in rank below the king was at liberty to construct a mapele heiau, an mm 0 Lono, a kukoae, or an aka, but not a luakini. The right to build a luakini belonged to the king alone. The mapele, however, was the kind of heiau in which the chiefs and the king himself prayed most frequently.”

“The luakini was a war temple, heiau-wai-kaua, which the king, in his capacity as ruler over all, built when he was about to make war upon another independent monarch, or when he heard that some other king was about to make war against him; also when he wished to make the crops flourish he might build a luakini.”

“Luakini (was a) heiau of the highest class, a war-temple, in which human sacrifices were offered; named from a pit, lua, and kini, many; into which the mouldering remains were finally cast.” (Malo)

“It was a great undertaking for a king to build a heiau of the sort called a luakini to be accomplished only with fatigue and redness of the eyes from long and wearisome prayers and ceremonies on his part.”

The main features of a luakini, enclosed by walls or wooden fences, included the:

“Lananuumamao, or ‘anu‘u – a wooden framework obelisk that served as an oracle tower. It was usually more than twenty feet tall and contained three platforms.”

“The lowest symbolized the earth, the abode of humans, and was where offerings were placed; the middle was viewed as the space of birds and clouds and was where the high priest and his attendants conducted services …”

“… the highest platform symbolized the heavens – dwelling place of the gods – and could only be ascended by the high priest and the king. This was where the high priest received inspiration and acted as intermediary with the gods.”

“The entire structure was covered with bleached kapa. It was a highly visible component of the temple platform area and contained within a refuse or bone pit where decayed offerings and bones of victims were cast (lua pa‘u).”

“Lele — an offertorium, the altar on which offerings were left”

“Hale pahu — the drum house, enclosed except at the front”

“Hale mana — the largest, most sacred house on the heiau platform, used by the king and the officiating priest during kapu periods”

“Wai‘ea – a small house for incantations in which the ‘aha ceremony took place. Relaxing of the kapu proclaimed over the new heiau depended on obtaining an aha, a mat braided out of a rare seaweed found only in the deep ocean.”

“Coconut fiber was combined with the seaweed in braiding the ‘aha, which was used to decorate the shrine of Ku. If the seaweed was not found immediately, the search continued for months or years”

“Hale umu — the oven house for temple fires house at the entrance to the temple”

“Kipapa — a pavement of large stones for ceremonial use ‘ili’ili — a pavement of pebbles used as flooring”

“Haku ‘ōhi‘a — (Lord of the ‘ōhi‘a tree) the chief idol. Other temple images, up to twelve feet tall, were arranged in various ways within a heiau — some were in a fence configuration and others adorned the walls.” (Malo)

luakini-temple
luakini-temple

Filed Under: Hawaiian Traditions Tagged With: Hawaii, Heiau, Lono, Ku, Luakini

May 22, 2018 by Peter T Young Leave a Comment

500,000 Feathers

In the dawn hours of January 18, 1778, on his third expedition, British explorer Captain James Cook on the HMS Resolution and Captain Charles Clerke of the HMS Discovery first sighted what Cook named the Sandwich Islands (that were later named the Hawaiian Islands.)

Cook continued to sail along the coast searching for a suitable anchorage. His two ships remained offshore, but a few Hawaiians were allowed to come on board on the morning of January 20, before Cook continued on in search of a safe harbor.

On the afternoon of January 20, 1778, Cook anchored his ships near the mouth of the Waimea River on Kauai’s southwestern shore. After a couple of weeks, there, they headed to the west coast of North America.

After the West Coast, Alaska and Bering Strait exploration, on October 24, 1778 the two ships headed back to the islands; they sighted Maui on November 26, circled the Island of Hawaiʻi and eventually anchored at Kealakekua Bay on January 17, 1779.

At the time, the Hawaiian Islands were divided into four kingdoms: (1) the island of Hawaiʻi under the rule of Kalaniʻōpuʻu, who also had possession of the Hāna district of east Maui; (2) Maui (except the Hāna district,) Molokai, Lānaʻi and Kahoʻolawe, ruled by Kahekili; (3) Oʻahu, under the rule of Kahahana; and (4) Kauai and Niʻihau, Kamakahelei was ruler.

Kalaniʻōpuʻu was on the island of Maui. Kalaniʻōpuʻu returned to Hawaiʻi and met with Cook on January 26, 1779, exchanging gifts, including an ʻahuʻula (feathered cloak) and mahiole (ceremonial feather helmet.) Cook also received pieces of kapa, feathers, hogs and vegetables.

In return, Cook gave Kalaniʻōpuʻu a linen shirt and a sword; later on, Cook gave other presents to Kalaniʻōpuʻu, among which one of the journals mentions “a complete Tool Chest.”

“For Native Hawaiians, the ʻahuʻula, mahiole, and all other featherwork were reserved exclusively for the use of their ali‘i (royalty), symbolizing their chiefly divinity, rank and power.”

“It embodied the life essence of a thriving abundant environment which are the telltale signs of leadership, as it takes a healthy forest ecosystem to produce enough bird feathers and cordage to make these regal pieces.” (OHA)

The construction of featherwork in ancient Hawai‘i required an incredible amount of labor and craftsmanship. The ‘ahu‘ula of Kalaniʻōpuʻu has 500,000 feathers (lashed one-by-one) from about 20,000 birds.

“Skilled trappers caught the birds by employing various techniques such as snaring their prey midair with nets, or using decoy birds to lure them onto branches coated with a sticky substance.”

“They often harvested only a few feathers from each bird before releasing them back into the wild so they could produce more feathers. Skilled workers belonging to the aliʻi class crafted the olonā cordage backing, a netting used as the foundation for the cloak, onto which the bundles of feathers were attached, creating bold designs.”

“After the ‘ahu‘ula and mahiole left on Cook’s ship, both were taken to England and passed through the hands of various museum owners and collectors.”

“They eventually came under the care of the Lord St Oswald, who unexpectedly presented his entire collection in 1912 to the Dominion Museum in New Zealand, the predecessor of Te Papa Tongarewa. The cloak and helmet have been in the national collection ever since.”

“In 2013, discussions began among the Bishop Museum, Te Papa Tongarewa, and OHA to bring these treasures back to Hawai‘i, culminating in this significant homecoming.” (OHA)

In a partnership between the Office of Hawaiian Affairs (OHA), The National Museum of New Zealand Te Papa Tongarewa, and Bernice Pauahi Bishop Museum, the ‘ahu‘ula and mahiole of Kalani‘ōpu‘u came back in March 2016 and are displayed at Bishop Museum on long-term loan.

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Kalaniopuu-Ahuula
Kalaniopuu-Ahuula
Kalaniopuu-Ahuula-Mahiole
Kalaniopuu-Ahuula-Mahiole
Kalaniopuu Mahiole-Ahuula-500000 Feathers-KuProject
Kalaniopuu Mahiole-Ahuula-500000 Feathers-KuProject
Ahuula_from_Kalaniopuu_to_Captain_Cook-Jan_26,_1779
Ahuula_from_Kalaniopuu_to_Captain_Cook-Jan_26,_1779

Filed Under: Ali'i / Chiefs / Governance, Hawaiian Traditions, Prominent People, Sailing, Shipping & Shipwrecks Tagged With: Captain Cook, Kalaniopuu, Ahuula, Mahiole, Hawaii

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