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March 20, 2018 by Peter T Young Leave a Comment

Himeni

Oli and mele were a part of the Hawaiian tradition. “As the Hawaiian songs were unwritten, and adapted to chanting rather than metrical music, a line was measured by the breath; their hopuna, answering to our line, was as many words as could be easily cantilated at one breath.” (Bingham)

When the American Protestant missionaries first arrived in the Islands, they broke into song. Hiram Bingham notes that on April 1, 1820, off Kawaihae, Kalanimōku came onboard their boat. “Then, ere the excitement of the chiefs’ visit was over, Mr. Thurston and his yoke-fellow (Bingham speaking of himself) ascended the shrouds …”

“… and, standing upon the main-top (the mission family, captain and crew being on deck), as we gently floated along on the smooth silent sea, under the lee of Hawaii’s dark shores, sang a favorite song of Zion (Melton Mowbray), which they had sung at their ordination at Goshen, and with the Park St Church choir, at Boston, on the day of embarkation.”

Once established in the Islands, missionaries used songs as a part of the celebration, as well as learning process. “At this period, the same style of sermons, prayers, songs, interrogations, and exhortations, which proves effectual in promoting revivals of religion, conversion, or growth in grace among a plain people in the United States …”

“… was undoubtedly adapted to be useful at the Sandwich Islands. … some of the people who sat in darkness were beginning to turn their eyes to the light”. (Bingham)

“Before the year 1823 had closed the (Bingham and William Ellis) had prepared a small hymn book of sixty pages, of which 2000 copies were printed in December. Mr. Ballon says: ‘A large proportion of the hymns were original, but among them were translations of Watt’s 50th Psalm, Pope’s ‘The Dying Christian to his Soul,’ several choruses from Handel’s Messiah.’”

“‘This book also contained a translation of more than forty select passages of Scripture.’” It was called Na Himeni Hawaii; he me ori ia Iehova, ke Akua mau’. “Literally-translated the title reads thus, ‘The hymns Hawaiian for the praise of Jehova the God continuing’”. (Westervelt; Thrum)

On October 23, 1823, missionaries wrote: “We are about to put to press within a few days an edition of twenty hymns prepared principally by Mr. Ellis. We purpose also to print a catechism and a tract.” (Ballou & Carter)

“A large proportion of the hymns were original, but among them were translations of Watts’ 50th psalm, of Pope’s ode, The dying Christian to his soul, Owhyhee’s idols are no more (originally Taheite’s), the jubilee hymn, several choruses from Handel’s Messiah, &c.” (Ballou & Carter)

“In August of 1825 the 2,000 copies of this first edition had all been given out gratis and it was felt that hymns were needed more than any other textbook. On March 10, 1826, it was recorded that 10,000 copies of the second edition of hymns, nearly through the press, would exhaust the paper on hand.”

“The next issues of this little book then appeared in what now seems rapid succession: 1827, 1828 and 1830. In the edition of 1826 the number of hymns had grown from 47 to 63; in the third, fourth and fifth editions 100 hymns were printed on 108 pages.”

“Each of these four issues, from 1826 to 1830, was published in an edition of 10,000 copies, except that of 1828, of which 20,000 were printed.”

“The fifth edition, of 1830, was delayed because the old type was so worn down by long usage as to be quite impracticable.” (Wilcox; Damon The Fiend, March 1935)

The missionaries wrote other songs – and sang with the ali‘i. “The king (Kamehameha III) being desirous to use his good voice in singing, we sang together at my house, not war songs, but sacred songs of praise to the God of peace.” (Bingham)

One of the unique verses (sung to an old melody) was Hoʻonani Hole – Hoʻonani I Ka Makua Mau. Bingham translated it to Hawaiian and people sang it to a melody that dates back to the 1600s – today, it is known as the Hawaiian Doxology.

Another popular Hawaiian melody was written by another missionary, Lorenzo Lyons. “Lyons was eminently popular with Hawaiians and with all men. His nature was guileless, cordial, enthusiastic, cheering. He was remarkable for hospitality to Hawaiians always seeing that his visitors passing through Waimea had something to eat.” (Hawaiian Gazette, October 19, 1886)

Lyons was an avid supporter of the Hawaiian language. He wrote a letter to the editor in The Friend newspaper (September 2, 1878) that, in part noted: …

An interminable language … it is one of the oldest living languages of the earth, as some conjecture, and may well be classed among the best…the thought to displace it, or to doom it to oblivion by substituting the English language, ought not for a moment to be indulged. … Long live the grand old, sonorous, poetical Hawaiian language.”

Lyons was lovingly known to Hawaiians as Ka Makua Laiana, Haku Mele o ka ʻĀina Mauna (Father Lyons, Lyric Poet of the Mountain County).

Lyons was fluent in the Hawaiian language and composed many poems and hymns; Lyons’ best known and beloved work is the hymn “Hawaiʻi Aloha,” sung to the tune of “I Left It All With Jesus” (circa 1852.) The song was inducted into the Hawaiian Music Hall of Fame in 1998.

“Widely regarded as Hawaiʻi’s second anthem, this hymn is sung in both churches and public gatherings. It is performed at important government and social functions to bring people together in unity, and at the closing of Hawaiʻi Legislative sessions.”

“The first appearance of “Hawaiʻi Aloha” in a Protestant hymnal was in 1953, nearly 100-years after it was written. Today, people automatically stand when this song is played extolling the virtues of ‘beloved Hawaiʻi.’” (Hawaiian Music Museum).

Queen Liliʻuokalani, while a student at the Chiefs’ Children’s School, learned and became fluent in English, and studied music and the arts. Her talent for music blossomed and she eventually wrote more than 150 songs, including “Aloha ʻOe.”

“To compose was as natural to me as to breathe; and this gift of nature, never having been suffered to fall into disuse, remains a source of the greatest consolation to this day.”

“… Hours of which it is not yet in place to speak, which I might have found long and lonely, passed quickly and cheerfully by, occupied and soothed by the expression of my thoughts in music.” (Liliʻuokalani)

“In view of the fact that the best modern Hawaiian music, now known the world over, owes much to the musical form of these early hymns, one wishes that history had been less restrained.”

“Yet, even in default of any direct, consecutive record, one may piece out quite a little of the story of Hawaiian hymns from references in early letters and accounts of their printing.”

“And when one has the good fortune to touch with one’s own hands many of the early songbooks printed in Hawaiian, the search toward a complete account of them becomes a fascinating pursuit.” (Wilcox; Damon The Fiend, March 1935)

“When our Protestant missionaries came to hymnody in Hawaiian – as they very soon did – they reared a natural superstructure upon this rich and rhythmical foundation of the Bible. It was a veritable treasure house.”

“But strangely, too, another very deep-seated source of balance and rhythm and figured speech flowed in the cultural consciousness of the Hawaiian people to whom these new Christian messages were being brought. Instinct in the Hawaiian mode of thought was the impulse and the act of prayer, of supplication, of praise.” (Wilcox; Damon The Fiend, March 1935)

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Na Himeni Hawaii
Na Himeni Hawaii
He Mau Himeni
He Mau Himeni

Filed Under: Ali'i / Chiefs / Governance, Missionaries / Churches / Religious Buildings, Hawaiian Traditions Tagged With: Hawaii, Music, Mele, Oli, New Musical Tradition, Song

March 8, 2018 by Peter T Young Leave a Comment

‘Āinapō Trail

The canoe was a principal means of travel in ancient Hawai‘i; land travel was only foot traffic, over little more than trails and pathways.

Extensive cross-country trail networks enabled gathering of food and water and harvesting of materials for shelter, clothing, medicine, religious observances and other necessities for survival.

Ancient trails, those developed before western contact in 1778, facilitated trading between upland and coastal villages and communications between ahupua‘a and extended families.

These trails were usually narrow, following the topography of the land. Sometimes, over ‘a‘ā lava, they were paved with water-worn stones.

One such overland trail, leading to Mokuʻāweoweo, the summit crater at the summit of Mauna Loa, is ‘Āinapō Trail (darkened land (often heavy with fog)).

It is a narrow, single-file, twisting, and occasionally slightly abraded trail above the 11,600 elevation. It leads up the broad southeast flank of Mauna Loa volcano to and along the east side of Mokuʻāweoweo, the major summit crater (HHF)

Hawaiians laid out the ‘Āinapō foot trail to assure availability of shelter, drinking water, and firewood between their nearest permanent settlement, Kapāpala village, and Mokuʻāweoweo. Kapāpala village could be reached over easy-grade trails from the coastal Hawaiian settlements.

Most Mauna Loa ascents by Hawaiians were made during summit eruptions, when the volcano goddess Pele was present, to honor her with chanted prayers and offerings; and perhaps at other times to honor a site she frequented. (NPS)

“The Hawaiian style of ascent to Mokuʻāweoweo lay in moving upslope in easy stages to lessen fatigue and permit acclimatization to the increasingly rarefied atmosphere.

The major stages were a series of overnight camps, each complete with small, warm, thatched houses and well supplied with food, drinking liquid, and firewood. In each camp, the elite were supported in the style of Hawaiian high chiefs. The lesser stages consisted of frequent rest stops, perhaps in natural rock shelters, warmed by fires as necessary. (NPS)

In 1840, Lt Charles Wilkes, as part of the US Exploring Expedition, came to Hawai‘i to conduct experiments and make observations, including swinging pendulums on Mauna Loa’s summit to calculate the force of gravity. They hiked from Hilo to the summit.

Wilkes substituted his own route for the Hawaiian ‘Āinapō trail. Wilkes’ line of march was through wooded country, but without streams or waterholes. Shoes of the Caucasians scuffed and soles abraded on the lava they crossed.

Most of the Hawaiians were barefoot. To mark the path for the straggling porters, Wilkes’ associates built fires and blazed trees. Bushes were broken with their tops laid down to indicate the direction of travel. (NPS)

Much unnecessary thirst, hunger, cold, altitude sickness, fatigue, and snowblindness were suffered by both Caucasians and Hawaiians of the expedition when Wilkes substituted his own route for the Hawaiian ‘Āinapō trail.

‘Mountain’ sickness, probably caused from the combination of fatigue, dehydration, chill, hunger, and the altitude, was prevalent.

To the rescue came the Hawaiian guides ‘Ragsdale’ and Keaweehu, a famous bird catcher. Both had apparently been waiting at Kapāpala for the expedition to arrive and planned to guide the expedition up the ‘Āinapō trail.

Ragsdale was hired to supply water for the camp. His men delivered it the next day – fifteen gallons carried in open-top vessels over the trackless ten miles of rugged lavas which separated Wilkes’ camp from the ‘Āinapō trail.

At about the same elevation on the Āinapō was a large lava tube with pools of water inside. This tube was used by Hawaiians on the ‘Āinapō trail and was easily supplied with grass (for insulation from the cold ground) and firewood from a point on the trail not far below. (NPS)

Up until around 1916, the customary route to the summit of Mauna Loa was the 34-mile long ‘Āinapō Trail. Most Mauna Loa ascents by Hawaiians were made during summit eruptions, when the volcano goddess Pele was present, to honor her with chanted prayers and offerings. (HHF)

In 1916, With the assistance of the US Army, Thomas A Jaggar, a geologist from the Massachusetts Institute of Technology (MIT) had a trail constructed from Kīlauea to the Mauna Loa summit along the northeast flank of the mountain.

That year, the summit of Mauna Loa, the Army-built trail, and the summit of Kilauea volcano were incorporated within Hawaii National Park, established by Congress.

With the trail completed, horses and mules could go as far as Pu‘u ‘Ula‘ula (Red Hill), where a 10-man cabin and 12-horse stable had been built. The remaining 10-mile trail to the summit was pedestrian only.

After 1916, for the next half century, there were two trails to the summit, but the Āinapō received diminishing usage and was not maintained. Below the barren lavas, the savannah-forest areas through which the ‘Āinapō passed became ranching country private land through which public passage was discouraged. (NPS)

From the trailhead, ʻĀinapō Trail ascends 7,600-feet in 10.2 miles to the National Park Service cabin on the rim of Mokuʻāweoweo crater.

Vegetation varies from mixed mesic koa /ʻōhiʻa forest to alpine stone desert. Intermittent, and in places infrequent, stacks of loose lava boulders (ahu) line the sides of the trail.

Abraded spots occur only on the rare surface types subject to pockmarking by metal blows; this was done by iron-shod hooves since 1870s, when horses and mules began to be used. (NPS)

Day use of ʻĀinapō trail does not require a permit; however, hikers are required to contact Kapāpala Ranch at 808-928-8403 to obtain the combination for the locked gate.

Users are required to call the night before between 7:30 pm and 8:30 pm.to schedule entry. Lock combinations are changed daily and given out daily at the same phone number from 4:30 am to 7:00 am on entry day. Everyone using this public access will sign in and out on the log sheet located in the mailbox on the gate.

Reservations and permits for camping at the trail shelter may be obtained from Hawaiʻi District Division of Forestry and Wildlife, at 808-974-4221 or at the link below. Hikers continuing to the summit need to register with the National Park Rangers (808 985-6000). (DLNR)

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Ainapo_Trail_-Map-NPS

Filed Under: General, Hawaiian Traditions, Place Names Tagged With: Ainapo, Hawaii, Mauna Loa, Pele

March 7, 2018 by Peter T Young 3 Comments

Land Matters

Malo notes, “The office of an independent king (Ali‘i ‘āi moku, literally one who eats, or rules over, an island) was established on the following basis …”

“He being the house, his younger brothers born of the same parents, and those who were called fathers or mothers (uncles and aunts) through relationship to his own father or mother, formed the stockade that stood as a defence about him.”

“Another wall of defence about the king, in addition to his brothers were his own sisters, those of the same blood as himself. These were people of authority and held important offices in the king’s government.”

“One was his kuhina nui, or prime minister; others were generals (pukaua), captains (alihi-kaua), marshals (ilamuku), the king’s executive officers, to carry out his commands. … So it was with the king; the chiefs below him and the common people throughout the whole country were his defence.” (Hawaiian Antiquities, Malo)

“Controversy and bitterness have arisen in recent years because of the widespread and seemingly well-established belief that land owned by early foreign settles was dishonestly acquired …”

“… either through cajoling the king or a chief, so that gifts of large tracts resulted; or through some vague arrangement whereby the common people were induced to part with their land for less than the current value.” (Pageant of the Soil, Hobbs, 1935)

Jon Osorio suggests, “The single most critical dismemberment of Hawaiian society was the Māhele or division of lands and the consequent transformation of ‘āina into private property between 1845 and 1850.”

He boldly suggests, “No one disagrees that the privatization of lands proved to be disastrous for Maka‘āinana”. He goes on to suggest, “The Māhele was a foreign solution to the problem of managing lands increasingly emptied of people.” (Dismembering Lāhui, Osorio)

Actually, some disagree.

“The accusation of dishonesty in regard to land transactions by foreigners seems to be directed most bitterly and emphatically toward the missionary group.” (Hobbs, 1935)

“The popular theory that missionaries acquired land by dishonest practice is unsupported by facts.”

However, “There is indisputable evidence that individual missionaries refused many opportunities to acquire gifts of land, either for themselves or for the mission.” (Hobbs, 1935)

“A page-by-page research of all records of land conveyance in the Territory of Hawaii was made in order to determine the amount of land acquired by each individual member of the American Protestant Mission, the amount paid for it, and, in general, the disposition made of the property.”

“In most instances it is clear that these lands were disposed of for very nominal sums and that comparatively small areas were left by will to descendants.” (Hobbs, 1935)

Hobbs notes that “Close scrutiny of the records of the Land Office in Honolulu will reveal, however, that a much larger area of land remained in the possession of Hawaiians and part-Hawaiians than is generally thought to have been the case.”

Likewise, Donovan Preza “offers a correction to the perceived results of the Māhele.” He notes “that the particularities of Hawaiian history should be properly explored, contextualized, and not be pre-judged.”

“These kinds of pre-judgments lead to a kind of colonial determinism which allows for the acceptance of less-rigorous arguments to be accepted as truth.” (Preza)

In looking at the Māhele, Preza makes the argument that “This division took place between the King and each individual konohiki whereby the rights of all of the Konohiki to the various ahupua‘a were divided.”

“These rights were codified in the 1839 Declaration of Rights. These vested rights refer to ‘interests’ in land, but these interests were segregated by class and did not imply an equality of rights between the government, Konohiki class, and Maka‘āinana class.”

“Under Kālai‘āina (the carving/distribution of land), the King can be thought to have held absolute title to land as sovereign and was the source of governance, “The Government was as exclusively in him as the titles to the lands were.” (Preza)

The Māhele ‘event’ resulted in the division of the previously ‘undivided’ rights of the Konohiki class in the dominium of Hawai‘i. The Māhele ‘event’ did not establish one’s title to land. (Preza) The first māhele, or division, of lands was signed on January 27, 1848; the last māhele was signed on March 7, 1848.

“The Māhele itself does not give a title. It is a division, and of great value because, if confirmed by the Board of Land Commission, a complete title is obtained. … By the Māhele, His Majesty the King consented that [Konohiki’s name] should have the land, subject to the award of the Land Commission” (Kenoa et al v. John Meek, October Term 1871)

After a Konohiki took their claim to the Land Commission, their rights and interests in land were confirmed and title to land was established through the issuance of a Land Commission Award.

Preza argues, “If the Māhele produced an initial dispossession, one would expect to see the majority of the land transferring into foreign hands.”

Actually, “Interpreting the Māhele as a division of land (versus rights in land), contributes to this confusion due to the large amount of land initially divided between Kauikeaouli (2.5-million acres) and the remaining Konohiki (1.5-million acres).”

Foreigners were not part of the Māhele. Some nonaboriginal Hawaiians who arrived in Hawai‘i prior to the Māhele were consolidated into the Konohiki class, such as John Young and Isaac Davis “foreigners who came and worked for Kamehameha were treated in a manner similar to kaukau ali‘i”. (Preza)

Then, the Kuleana Act was one mechanism which was used to divide out the interests of the maka‘āinana class.

Foreigners were not included in the system of Kālai‘āina and were not considered to be of the Maka‘āinana class, they were outside of it. Foreigners, even those naturalized as Hawaiian Nationals, were not considered Native Tenants and therefore, they were not eligible for a Land Commission award from the Kuleana Act. (Preza)

“On March 8, 1848, the day after the great division (Māhele) between the Konohiki class, Kauikeaouli divided the 2.5-million acres of land in his possession between his private estate and the government.”

“As a result of this division he kept approximately 1-million acres of land for himself as his private property (King’s Land) and relinquished 1.5-million acres of land to the Hawaiian Kingdom government creating what is called “Government Land”.”

“Government Lands are those lands which are considered to be used for the benefit of the country as a whole and constitute approximately 1.5-million acres. Any proceeds from Government Lands went to the government treasury and were used to benefit the citizenry of the country.” (Preza)

In 1850, a law was passed allowing maka‘āinana (the ‘native tenants’) to claim fee simple title to the lands they worked.

“The makaʻāinana were the planters and fishers who lived on (ma) the (ka) lands (‘āina;) the final na is a plural substantive.” (Handy) Or, they may be viewed as maka (eye) ‘āina (land) – ‘the eyes of the land.’ Pukui notes the name literally translates to ‘people that attend the land.’

Some suggest the foreigners bought up all the land.

In 1850, provision was made to permit foreigners equal privileges with Hawaiians; on July 10, 1850, the Hawaiian legislature passed ‘An Act To Abolish The Disabilities Of Aliens To Acquire And Convey Lands In Fee Simple’ (sometimes referred to as the Alien Land Ownership Act); it allowed: …

“That any alien, resident in the Hawaiian islands, may acquire and hold to himself, his heirs and assigns, a fee simple estate in any land of this kingdom, and may also convey the same by sale, gift, exchange, will or otherwise, to any Hawaiian subject, or to any alien, resident …” (Penal Code 1850)

At its August 19, 1850 Privy Council meeting, “Mr Wyllie brought forward & read a report of a committee appointed on the 29th April & powers enlarged on the 24th June to report respecting lands applied for by Missionaries.” The ‘Report on Missionary Lands’ was published in the Polynesian on May 7, 1852.

In part, that report notes, “The missionaries who have received and applied for lands have neither received and applied for them, without offering what they conceived to be a fair consideration for them.”

“So far as their applications have been granted, your Majesty’s government have dealt with them precisely as they have dealt with other applicants for land, that is, they have accepted the price where they considered it fair, and they have raised it where they considered it unfair.” (Signed by RC Wyllie and Keoni Ana)

WD Alexander, Superintendent of Government Survey, notes that “Between the years 1850 and 1860, nearly all the desirable Government land was sold, generally to natives. The portions sold were surveyed at the expense of the purchaser.” (Alexander, 1891)

Preza validates that and also shows Hawaiians out-purchased Non-Hawaiians. “Purchases by Hawaiians (1,856) in the 1850s alone outnumbers the total number of purchases by Non-Hawaiians (1,020) from 1846-1893. More Hawaiians bought land in the 1850s than Non-Hawaiians did between 1846 and 1893.” (Preza)

Government Grants refer to the fee-simple sale of Government Land and take the form of ‘Royal Patents’, ‘Royal Patent Grants’, or ‘Grants’. Of the 3,470 awards, 2,450 (71 percent) of the Government Grants were purchased by ‘Hawaiians’. ‘Non-Hawaiians’ purchased 1,020 awards (29 percent). (Preza)

Some blame sugar planters for buying all the land. “The Māhele of 1848 created the potential to own private property in Hawai‘i.
Immediately following the Māhele the sugar plantations were more likely to lease land rather than purchase land …”

“… due to the economic risks involved in purchasing large amounts of land with little re-sale value. Trends in the sale of Government Lands show that Hawaiians were active participants in the purchase of these lands.” (Preza)

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Na Mokupuni O Hawaii Nei-Kalama 1837
Na Mokupuni O Hawaii Nei-Kalama 1837

Filed Under: Economy, General, Ali'i / Chiefs / Governance, Hawaiian Traditions, Place Names Tagged With: Great Mahele, Rights of Native Tenants, Land, Hawaii

March 5, 2018 by Peter T Young 2 Comments

Pelekunu Tunnel

In the early days, Kamalo was known as Kamalo‘o, or “The Dry Place,” because the waves breaking on the reef did not hit the shore. The people of Kamalo‘o liked their shallow pools because octopus were found there.

Jack Ka‘ilianu, remarked that the abundance of food from the sea should be harnessed through the creation of fresh water ponds, or loko wai, and sand-dune ponds, or pu‘uone. In the pu‘uone, fishermen kept pua ‘ama‘ama, or young mullet, pua awa, or young milkfish, kūmū, or goatfish, and mao.

Jack raised his fish in his lo‘i kalo, or wetland taro patch. In it he put pua āholehole, pua awa, and pua ‘ama‘ama. Puni, Jack’s 14 year-old hānai son was happy to take care of the lo‘i kalo because he liked watching the fish.

One day, he caught many small ‘iao fish, or silversides, and released them in the pond. ‘Iao fish are used to bait aku, and resemble mo‘o. It was kapu to kill ‘iao fish since the ‘aumakua of Kamalo‘o was the mo‘o. Breaking the kapu, Jack instructed Puni to catch all of the ‘iao and put them in the ocean.

Puni did not obey his father’s command because he had made pets of the fish. When Jack discovered he did not obey, he collected the fish and released them in the ocean.

That night Puni failed to come home for dinner. Jack searched the village and found Puni dead in the loko lo‘i kalo (he was attempting to catch the small ‘iao that Jack did not).

From that time on, every time Jack saw the fishponds, he “recalled the reason for them and muttered under his breath ‘Kamalo‘o kākā ‘āina’ (The land has gone dry. It is no longer verdant).

The people mourned Puni’s death and Jack exchanged his parcel for one up mauka. For many years after, the people could hear the giggling of a child coming up from that same pond (Ne 1992:33–36). (Keala Pono)

Pelekunu is an unusual ahupua‘a for several reasons. Within the Pelekunu ahupua‘a are three lele (disconnected portions of associated land) that belong to ahupua‘a on the other side of the island in the Kona District. Another unusual feature is that the ahupua‘a of Kawela actually extends up and over the mountains at the back of Pelekunu and runs into the valley.

Additionally, the ahupua‘a of Pelekunu includes not only most of the valley itself (less the extension of Kawela at the back and the lele within), but also the land of Honokaʻupu to the west as well as the small valley of Waiahoʻokalo just beyond. (Eminger/McElroy)

The windward valleys developed into areas of intensive irrigated taro cultivation and seasonal migrations took place to stock up on fish and precious salt for the rest of the year. Kalaupapa was well known for its bountiful ʻuala (sweet potato) crops and its fine-grained, white salt which was preferred over that from the salt ponds of Kawela and Kaunakakai. (Strazar)

Emory (1916) describes Pelekunu Valley as the “most densely populated area of the ahupuaʻa … where we found miles and miles of huge stone terraces, witnesses of a once thriving population that must have run into the thousands.” Taro was grown on the flat land and in the steep ravines of the valley. (NPS)

The earliest recorded population figures we have for Molokai are those of visiting missionaries in 1823. A loose estimate of three to four thousand inhabitants in 1823 was published by Claudius S. Stewart in 1830.

The Reverend Harvey Rexford Hitchcock who established the first permanent Mission Station at Kaluaʻaha in 1832, gave a census figure of 6,000 for the island. (Strazar)

These early counts were generally taken in the field by both native school teachers and missionaries. During this period, the Reverends Hitchcock and Smith preached once a week at seven different stations from Kamaloʻo to Hālawa, and in 1833 they estimated the population of the entire island to be about 3,300. (Strazar)

During the years around 1854, taro was raised extensively in the windward valleys and shipped as far away as Maui. Everywhere the inhabitants (of Pelekunu) were busy making baskets of ki (ti) leaves …., which they used to pack and transport … the product of their oasis, taro reduced to paʻiʻai (dry poi.) (Strazar)

In the land of Kamalo, it is said that there is a lava tube going through the island from Kamalo gulch to Pelekunu, The story is that it was used in the very early days by the Chief of the island, who communicated by runners between the leeward and windward sides of the island. (Cooke)

A love story from those early times tells of courage and determination, as well as physical stamina. A Pelekunu maiden fell in love with Akoni, who lived on the other side of the mountain in Kamalō.

In fair weather, Akoni paddled his canoe from Hälawa to Pelekunu. When the weather was bad, he would hike the Kamalö trail to court her. But one day, the weather changed as Akoni paddled to Pelekunu.

The ocean became too rough to return home by canoe and recent rainstorms had washed out parts of the mountain trail. Yet it was urgent that Akoni return to Kamalō to help his aging father repair their fishpond, so he decided to take another route.

He had heard tales of a mysterious mountain tunnel that joined Pelekunu and Kamalō, though its location had been forgotten.

People spoke of the tunnel with fear, and his ku‘uipo begged him not to go, but Akoni was determined. So his ku‘uipo went to every Pelekunu family to ask about the tunnel’s location until finally Kaleiho‘olau, a kama‘äina, agreed to help the couple find it.

They quickly packed food and water and Kaleiho‘olau brought a torch. The three hiked to the northeastern part of the valley until Kaleiho‘olau pointed out the tunnel entrance in a cave on the side of the cliff. The lovers kissed aloha and the young man entered the cave.

Initially, light streamed into the tunnel from the entrance but grew steadily dimmer until there was only darkness. Akoni lit his torch and continued slowly, stumbling and groping his way along the tunnel.

After hours of walking, he began to feel dizzy and nauseated, and was having difficulty breathing. He sat and rested briefly, but knew he needed to get to fresh air. He knew the torch was using up oxygen, but finding his way in complete darkness would be perilous, so he kept it lit until, finally, light glimmered far ahead.

At last, he stumbled through the opening. He leaned, panting, against the rocks, grateful to be alive. In that moment, he realized that the tunnel was there and could be used. He turned toward the cave and said a mahalo prayer, thanking the guiding spirits who brought him through the tunnel safely.

When Akoni moved into the sunlight, he saw that he was on his own property, just south of Ioli Gulch. His parents were astonished to see him. Akoni excitedly told them about the tunnel that exited on their property. He could hike to Pelekunu whenever he wished.

Akoni showed his father the tunnel the next day and shared the discovery with Kamalö residents, including the dizziness and suffocation he felt midway through the mountain. He said no one should use the tunnel when ill or having breathing trouble, and they must always tell Akoni and his family if they were using that route. (Hughes; KWO-OHA)

Another tunnel from Pelekunu was later proposed (early-1900s). The plan was to tunnel for water and transport it from Pelekunu and Wailau to the dry leeward side of Molokai.

“By the utilization of Pelekunu and Wailau 14,000,000 gallons (21.66 cubic feet per second) should be secured, besides the large flow which will almost certainly be met in the tunnels.”

“Ditches and flumes must be correspondingly enlarged, and a tunnel 14,500 feet long driven from Pelekunu to convey the water after it is collected from the different branches. The expense would be at least $800,000.”

“The enterprise would consume several years … In conclusion, I consider it feasible to bring the water from Wailau and Pelekunu to the cane fields, but do not believe that the enterprise would be a paying investment.” (Water Resources on Molokai, USGS, 1903)

Later, in 1960, a 5.5-mile water tunnel was built into the western side of Waikolu Valley to tap the extensive water resources. The water is stored in a large reservoir at Kualapu‘u. (Clark)

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pelekunu-valley-Richard A. Cooke III
pelekunu-valley-Richard A. Cooke III

Filed Under: Hawaiian Traditions, Place Names Tagged With: Hawaii, Pelekunu, Molokai, Kamalo

February 20, 2018 by Peter T Young 1 Comment

Island Names

We still pronounce some of the Hawaiian Island names differently.

After western contact and attempts to write about Hawai‘i, early writers tried to spell words based on the sound of the words they heard. People heard words differently, so it was not uncommon for words to be spelled differently, depending on the writer.

However, it may be helpful to look how early writers wrote the respective Island names and see if there is a consistency in representative letters for names and the sounds they represent.

Remember, the writing of the letters in each word is based on the sound they hear, then written in the context of the sound of based on their own English language (and pronounced in the English language).

The first writers were Captain James Cook and his crew. Here are the ways he spelled the Island names (and the words we use for them now).

Cook (1778-1779:)
Oreehoua, or Keehoua (Lehua)
Tahoora (Kaʻula)
Oneeheow or Neeheehow (Niʻihau)
Atooi, Atowi, or Towi, and sometimes Kowi (Kauai)
Woahoo, or Oahoo (Oʻahu)
Morotoi or Morokoi (Molokai)
Ranai, or Oranai (Lanai)
Mowee (Maui)
Morotinnee, or Morokinnee (Molokini)
Kahowrowee, or Tahoorowa (Kaho‘olawe)
Owhyhee (Hawaiʻi)

First off, let’s look at the preceding O or A in some of the names. ‘O, and sometimes ʻA, beginning a word are markers to note proper name subjects (persons, places or certain special things.) They are vocatives (addressing the person or place you are talking about or to) – i.e. Atooi means ‘this is (or, ‘it is’) Tooi’ – so it is a proper word and the Island name is ‘Tooi.’ (Johnson)

Here are some other early writers’ ways of writing the Island names by the sounds each hears:

Portlock (1785-1788)
Tahoora (Ka‘ula)
Oneehow (Ni‘ihau)
Atoui
Woahoo
Morotoi
Ranai
Mowee
Owhyhee

Vancouver (1792-1794)
Attowai (Kauai)
Woahoo
Morotoi
Ranai
Mowee (Maui)
Owhyhee (Hawaiʻi)

Hiram Bingham (1820-1840)
Owhyhee (Hawaiʻi)
Woahoo (Oʻahu)
Attooi (Kauai)

Let’s start with the double vowel sounds to start to break down the sound … double O, ‘oo’, has a sound that rhymes with ‘Too’ or ‘Two’. Double E, ‘ee’, sounds like the way we say the single letter ‘E’ (rhyming with ‘wee’).

Now let’s look at the ‘i’ in the words – it, too, sounds like the way we say the single letter ‘I’ (rhyming with ‘eye’).

So ‘Atooi’ really is ‘Tooi’ – sounding like ‘two – eye’. As Hiram Bingham was working on the alphabet developed for the written Hawaiian, he actually notes that Atooi (Kauai), in his early writing was written as ‘Kau‘ ai’ (with the ‘okina before the second ‘a’, not after it) and sounds like ‘cow-eye’.

Some, today, say Atooi is pronounced as ‘Ah’ ‘two’ ‘ee’; however, they are putting in the Hawaiian sound for ‘I’ (which sounds like ‘ee’), rather than the English sound for ‘I’, which rhymes with ‘eye’.

Another Island name with varied pronunciations today is Molokai.

It seems there are at least two schools of thought; an explanation on the pronunciation/spelling of the island name (Molokai (Moh-loh-kī) versus Molokaʻi (Moh-loh-kah-ee)) is noted in the early portion of “Tales of Molokai The Voice of Harriet Ne” by Harriet Ahiona Ayau Ne with Gloria L. Cronin.

Harriet Ne’s grandson, Edward Halealoha Ayau, noted:

“The reason that the name Molokai (as used in the book) is left without the glottal stop is because my tūtū wahine (grandmother) says that when she was growing up in Pelekunu it was never pronounced Molokaʻi (Moh-loh-kah-ee), but rather Molokai (Moh-loh-kī).”

“Then in about the 1930s, the name changed to Molokaʻi, in part she believes because musicians began pronouncing the name that way. Mary Kawena Pukuʻi, three weeks before her death, called my tūtū and told her that the correct name is Molokai, which means ‘the gathering of the ocean waters.’”

“On the rugged north coast of the island, the ocean slams hard into the pali. On the south and east shores, the ocean glides gently to shore due to location of reefs at least a quarter of a mile offshore. Hence the name, Molokai, ‘Gathering of the Ocean Waters.’”

In a follow-up exchange with Halealoha, he resolved the matter saying that the “best answer is both pronunciations are correct and the most correct depends on which family you are speaking to. So for our ʻohana, it would be Molokai. For others, Molokaʻi.”

Bingham writes, “Aiming to avoid an ambiguous, erroneous, and inconvenient orthography, to assign to every character one certain sound, and thus represent with ease and exactness the true pronunciation of the Hawaiian language, the following five vowels and seven consonants have been adopted: a, e, i, o, u, h, k, I, m, n, p, w.”

“The power of the vowels may be thus represented: ‘a’, as ‘a’ in the English words art, father; ‘e’, as ‘a’ in pale, or ‘ey’ in they; ‘I’, as ‘ee’ or, in machine; ‘o’, as ‘o’ in no; ‘u’, as ‘oo’ in too. They are called so as to express their power by their names ‘ Ah, A, Ee, O, Oo.” (Bingham)

“The convenience of such an alphabet for the Hawaiian language, undisturbed by foreign words, is very obvious, because we can express with simplicity, ease, and certainty, those names and phrases with the sound of which former voyagers were utterly unable to make us acquainted by English orthography.”

“Though it were possible to spell them with our English alphabet it would still be inconvenient. A few names may illustrate the reasons for our new orthography.” (Bingham)

The Old.           Corrected in English.        The New, or Hawaiian.
Tamaahmaah    Kah-mā‘-hau-mā-hah       Ka me‘ ha-me‘ ha
Terreioboo        Kah-lah‘-nȳ-ō-poo‘-oo     Ka la’ ni o pu‘ u
Tamoree           Kah-oo‘-moo ah lee‘-ee    Ka u‘ rnu a Ii‘ i
Owhyhee          Hah-wȳe‘-ee                     Ha wai‘ i
Woahoo,          O-ah‘-hoo                         O a‘ hu
Attooi               Cow‘-eye‘                          Kau‘ ai‘
Hanaroorah     Hō-nō-loo‘-loo                  Ho no lu‘ lu

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Filed Under: General, Missionaries / Churches / Religious Buildings, Hawaiian Traditions, Prominent People Tagged With: Kauai, Lanai, Niihau, Nathaniel Portlock, George Vancouver, Lehua, Hawaii, Kaula, Hawaii Island, Captain Vancouver, Oahu, Hiram Bingham, Captain Cook, Molokai, Maui, Island Names

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