Images of Old Hawaiʻi

by Peter T Young Leave a Comment

Maunalei Sugar

In ancient times, the windward coast of the island of Lānai was home to many native residents. Maunalei Valley had the only perennial stream on the island and a system of loʻi kalo (taro pond field terraces) supplied taro to the surrounding community.

Sheltered coves, fronted by a barrier reef, provided the residents with access to important fisheries, and allowed for the development of loko iʻa (fishponds), in which various species of fish were cultivated, and available to native tenants, even when the ocean was too rough for the canoes to venture out to sea. (Lānai Culture and Heritage Center)

In 1861, Walter Murray Gibson came to Hawaiʻi after joining the Mormon Church the year before; he was to serve as a missionary and envoy of the Mormon Church to the peoples of the Pacific. He landed in Lānai and eventually created the title “Chief President of the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints in the Islands of the Sea.” He more regularly went by the name Kipikona.

The experience with the Church was relatively short-lived; in 1864, he was excommunicated for selling priesthood offices, defrauding the Hawaiian members and misusing his ecclesiastical authority (in part, he was using church funds to buy land in his name.)

By the 1870s, Gibson focused his interests in ranching in the area called Koele, situated in a sheltered valley in the uplands of Kamoku Ahupuaʻa. As the ranch operation was developed, Koele was transformed from an area of traditional residency and sustainable agriculture to the ranch headquarters. (Lānai Culture and Heritage Center) In 1872, Gibson moved from Lānai to Lāhainā and then to Honolulu.

After Gibson’s death in 1888, the ranch was turned over to his daughter and son-in-law, Talula and Frederick Hayselden. As early as 1896, the Gibson-Hayselden interests on Lānai, which held nearly all the land on the island in fee-simple or leasehold title, began developing a scheme to plant and grow sugar on Lānai.

They chose the ancient fishing community of Keōmoku for the base of operations, and in early-1899, the Maunalei Sugar Company was formally incorporated. Gear, Lansing & Co was the largest stockholder (Gear was President, Lansing was Treasurer – W Stodart was the plantation manager)

“The plan is that a sugar company will be incorporated at once with a capital of $1,000,000 and that 1,000 acres will be put into cane without delay. There will be no “wildcat” business in the enterprise and all persons signing for shares will be obliged to put down 10 percent of the amount desired. It is the intention of the promoters to avoid gambling in Lanai stocks as much as possible.” (Gear & Lansing, The Independent, February 28, 1899)

They developed larger support communities along the coast, cleared the lands, developed a narrow gauge railroad between Keōmoku Village and Kahalepalaoa (where the boat landing was situated,) and planted sugar cane, irrigated by water from Maunalei Valley.

“At the landing a very substantial wharf has been built, and a railroad to the camp two miles distant is in operation with a rolling stock of a locomotive and nineteen cars. Including the laborers quarters we have at the plantation fifty buildings, and the new buildings in contemplation are the pumping plants and the mill, a very respectable town and a very busy one.” (Stodart in Evening Bulletin, October 13, 1899)

Work on the plantation was largely done by immigrant Japanese laborers. “We have 400 laborers … and will have 200 more in a few weeks. The first crop will be ready to grind in 1901 and I have no doubt the yield per acre will be entirely satisfactory. The land is proving all that was promised and I have no doubt of the substantial returns to the stockholders.” (Stodart in Evening Bulletin, October 13, 1899)

Both men and women were brought from Japan, and a finder’s fee of $27- $36 per male employee, and $23 – $30 per female employee was paid to the immigration companies. Laborers were typically paid around $0.70 to $0.75 per day, with expenses for merchandise and board deducted from pay at the end of the month.

All did not go as planned.

Before completing the construction of the mill and associated facilities, and prior to the first harvest being collected for processing, the Maunalei Sugar Company went bankrupt. Sugar is a thirsty crop and the necessary water resources for the plantation were never realized.

Additional hardships arose following an outbreak of the bubonic plague in Honolulu, which led to a devastating fire and the closure of many Chinatown businesses (many of whom had invested in the Lānai sugar operation.)

But those were not the major shareholders’ only financial concerns. A heading “Business Concern is in Difficulties” called attention to the financial problems of Gear, Lansing & Company; a sub-heading notes, “Failure of Maunalei Sugar Co. a Leading Factor in the Corporation’s Trouble Kaimukī and Other Large Real Estate Transactions”. (Honolulu Republican, June 19, 1901)

The story noted, “The corporation has, since its organization a few years ago, dealt heavily in real estate, besides participating largely in the boom of general stocks that two years ago strained the entire financial situation.”

“Gear, Lansing & Co.’s largest real estate deal was the exploitation of the Kaimukī residence tract. They laid out streets and installed a modern water works plant. A large proportion of the lots sold readily, but the hope deferred of rapid transit communication prevented a full measure of, success to the enterprise.”

Plantation records during the three year period of the plantation’s operation, some 70 employees (most of Japanese origin) died and were buried on Lānai. In 1932, members of the Lānai Hongwanji Mission built a memorial for Japanese employees of the sugar plantation near the grave sites.

Some other unfortunate consequences resulted from the Lānaʻi sugar endeavor. A part of the plantation’s work resulted in the introduction of the algarroba (kiawe) tree – the hardwood was to have been used as fuel for the furnaces, and the seeds as feed for the livestock. Left untended, the trees became an invasive pest on the island.

Following the sugar failure, Keōmoku was used as ranchland until 1954. The nearly 3,000 acres of cleared land led to significant erosion and siltation that spread from the uplands to the shore, burying sites and the reef under as much as nine feet of silt. (Lānai Culture and Heritage Center)

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by Peter T Young Leave a Comment

Moku

Prior to European contact, each of the major islands or independent chiefdoms in the Hawaiian chain comprised a mokupuni (island.) Over the centuries, as the ancient Hawaiian population grew, land use and resource management also evolved.

The traditional land division of pre-contact Hawaiians was based on the sustainability and self-reliance within ahupuaʻa (community watershed areas) as well as within larger regions (moku) and lastly individual sovereign islands (mokupuni.)

The mokupuni were subdivided into land units of varying sizes, and the largest division was the moku (district – literally: interior island,) administered by high-ranking chiefs.

They were either relatives of the high chief of the island, trusted supporters or high ranking individuals who pledged their support to the high chief but were allowed to remain relatively independent.

Each island was divided into several moku or districts, of which there are six in the island of Hawaiʻi, and the same number in Oʻahu. There is a district called Kona on the lee side and one called Koʻolau on the windward side of almost every island.  (Alexander)

It appears that the six districts on the islands of O‘ahu and Hawai‘i, and the system of developing smaller manageable units of land became formalized in the reigns of Māʻilikūkahi and ʻUmi-a-Līloa, respectively (about the time Columbus was sailing across the Atlantic.)

Māʻilikūkahi is noted for clearly marking and reorganizing land division palena (boundaries) on O‘ahu.  Palena, or possibly an evolved term “palena ʻāina” are place boundaries.  (Beamer)

Defined palena brought greater productivity to the lands; lessened conflict and was a means of settling disputes of future aliʻi who would be in control of the bounded lands; protected the commoners from the chiefs; and brought (for the most part) peace and prosperity.

Fornander writes, “He caused the island to be thoroughly surveyed, and boundaries between differing divisions and lands be definitely and permanently marked out, thus obviating future disputes between neighboring chiefs and landholders.”

Kamakau tells a similar story, “When the kingdom passed to Māʻilikūkahi, the land divisions were in a state of confusion; the ahupuaʻa, the ku, the ʻili ʻāina, the moʻo ʻāina, the pauku ʻāina, and the kihapai were not clearly defined.”

“Therefore, Māʻilikūkahi ordered the chiefs, aliʻi, the lesser chiefs, kaukau aliʻi, the warrior chiefs, puʻali aliʻi, and the overseers (luna) to divide all of Oʻahu into moku, ahupuaʻa, ʻili kupono, ʻili ʻāina, and moʻo ʻāina.”

Malo gives a detailed description of the kuleana that a kālaimoku aliʻi who divided lands for Mōʻī had to fulfill:  “There are two important aspects in being a kālaimoku, to take care of the aliʻi, and to take care of the makaʻāinana, for these two reasons the kālaimoku guides the aliʻi at his side, with the careful attention to these two things, things were to be done properly.”  (Malo, Beamer)

What is commonly referred to as the “ahupuaʻa system” is a result of the firm establishment of palena (boundaries.)  This system of land divisions and boundaries enabled a konohiki (land/resource manager) to know the limits and productivity of the resources that they managed.

In the late-1400s, through warfare and alliances with other chiefs, ʻUmi gained control of the entire Island of Hawaiʻi. ʻUmi made himself the aliʻi nui, or high chief, for the whole island.

ʻUmi divided his island into separate moku, or districts. These moku were subdivided into smaller sections called ahupuaʻa.

In the time of ʻUmi, son of the great chief Līloa, the Hawaiian islands were divided into political regions. The four mokupuni (larger islands) of Kauai, Oʻahu, Maui, and Hawaiʻi were divided into moku (districts).

The smaller islands of Molokai, Lānai and Kahoʻolawe became moku of Maui, and Niʻihau a moku of Kauai.

Traditionally, the Island of Kauai was divided into five moku (districts): Haleleʻa, Kona, Koʻolau, Nāpali and Puna. However, after the battle of Wahiawa in 1824, the land of Kauai was redistributed and district boundaries changed. The new district names became: Hanalei, Kawaihau, Līhuʻe, Kōloa and Waimea.  (Cultural Surveys)

For ease in collecting annual tribute, the moku were subdivided into ahupuaʻa, land sections that usually extended from the mountain summits down through fertile valleys to the outer edge of the reef in the sea (or if there was not reef, one-mile from shore.)

The size of the ahupuaʻa depended on the resources of the area with poorer agricultural regions split into larger ahupuaʻa to compensate for the relative lack of natural abundance. Each ahupuaʻa was ruled by an aliʻi or local chief and administered by a konohiki.

These natural land divisions were the result of the flow of water over the land (streams or springs.)

From the earliest days, streams were among the most important natural resources sought after by native Hawaiians. Battles were fought and lives sacrificed for the right to use stream water.

The Hawaiians called freshwater wai, and considered it to be sacred. People using wai from streams took only what was absolutely necessary. They were expected to share the wai with others. This was done without greed or selfishness.

Such practices gave Hawaiians their word for law which is kanawai, or the “equal sharing of water.” Water was so valuable to Hawaiians that they used the word “wai” to indicate wealth. Thus to signify abundance and prosperity, Hawaiians would say waiwai.

In keeping with this concept of wealth being fresh water, the traditional land tenure system in ancient Hawaii had at its very core the presence of streams, or kahawai. Although of many shapes and sizes, each ahupua’a consisted of three area types: mountain, plain and sea.

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Na Lāʻau Arboretum

“In Honor of George Campbell Munro. Pioneer in Hawaiian botany and ornithology. Whose vision and initiative led to the establishment of Na Lāʻau Hawaii Arboretum -1962” (plaque at Diamond Head.)

We generally associate Munro (born in New Zealand on May 10, 1866) as a ranch manager on Lānaʻi – actually he was an ornithologist (birds.)

On December 13, 1890, George Campbell Munro arrived in Honolulu after a voyage aboard the steamship Mariposa which left Auckland, New Zealand on the 1st of December.

He was to assist ornithologist, Henry C Palmer (in the Islands 1890-1893) in collecting birds in Hawai‘i under the sponsorship of Lord Walter Rothschild for the museum collection in Tring, England.

The first intensive scientific collecting expedition in the Northwestern leeward Hawaiian Islands was conducted in the summer of 1891. (Smithsonian) Munro pioneered in the banding of seafowl.

Munro worked seven years on Kaua‘i, then worked seven more on Moloka‘i, where he was the ranch manager from 1899 to 1906.

After a brief return to New Zealand in 1911, he was offered the position as the range manager of the Lānaʻi cattle ranch. (Towill; Wood)

In 1911, Munro found the importance of the fog drip coming from the Lānaʻi Hale was valuable water. He realized that pine trees collected a lot of water from the fog and clouds. Munro then created program of planting cook pines across the island of Lānaʻi and also Lānaʻi Hale to collect fog drip.

In 1930, Lānaʻi switched from ranching to pineapple. Munro retired to Honolulu; his home was on the west slope of Diamond Head.

From 1935 to 1937, Munro started the first comprehensive survey of the birds of Hawai‘i and in 1939 he helped found the “Honolulu Audubon Society” which eventually became the Hawaii Audubon Society.

It was not until 1944 that Munro published his Birds of Hawaiʻi (of which a slightly revised edition appeared in 1960.) It contains authentic short accounts of most of the extinct Hawaiian species by one of the very few naturalists ever to view them alive.

In 1950, Munro started his efforts in the creation of a botanical garden of Hawaiian arid plant species. He received permission from the National Guard to plant on a 9-acre tract on the west exterior slopes of Diamond Head.

In the early years of Na Lāʻau, Munro, with help from family and friends, personally developed the garden; when rainfall was insufficient, he “carried buckets of water up the steep slopes to supplement the natural supply.”

His work resulted in the Na Lāʻau Arboretum and its companion Ke Kuaʻāina garden of endemic plants, which eventually grew to over 100-acres; it became part of the Board of Agriculture park system on March 7, 1958.

In 1958, the governor of Hawaiʻi designated the garden as a sanctuary. A water system consisting or a pump, tank and an irrigation line were constructed in the arboretum. (DLNR)

In 1961, the Garden Club of Honolulu funded the construction of a lookout area with benches. A little remembered monument sits on the west side of Diamond Head (noting the language listed at the beginning of this post.)

The extent of the garden runs over an area 328-feet long and 66- to 99-feet wide. The remnants of this garden are located along a trail that runs north from Makalei Place. (DLNR)

Conservation Council of Hawaiʻi’s first conservation award was given to George C Munro, a CCH member and conservationist (1960s.)

In 1960, at age 94, he became an honorary member of the Hawaiian Botanical Gardens Society. A year later, he won the Garden Club of America’s Medal of Honor and was elected honorary associate of the Bishop Museum.

The William S. Richardson School of Law gives the George C Munro Award for Environmental Law (established by the Hawai‘i Audubon Society.)

A well-known trail on Lānaʻi is named after him, as are dozens of plant species, including the rare munroidendron.

DLNR’s Master Plan for Diamond Head (2003) notes, the existing Na Lāʻau Arboretum, located outside the crater below Diamond Head peak, is inaccessible and has suffered neglect over many years (it has not been maintained since the 1970s.) (Lots of information here from ʻElepaio and DLNR.)

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Lanai Tsunami

The name Kaluakapo Crater or “Kalua Kapo” means “hole of darkness” (according to the field notes of Stearns, 1936; Keating & Helsley).

Three ancient shorelines (the Mahana, Kaluakapo and Manele) have been described at elevations of 365, 190 and 170 m [1,200, 625, and 560 feet] in the Kaluakapo Crater. Original observations/theories of a fossil-bearing outcrop at 1,200-feet was interpreted as an ancient shoreline.

Subsequently, some argued that this fossil evidence represented the highest inundation of tsunami waves associated with the collapse of the flanks of the Hawaiian Islands chain. (Keating & Helsley)

“Geologists have long debated whether the Hawaiian Islands have been periodically hit by ‘megatsunamis,’ triggered by massive landslides plunging into the ocean.”

“Indeed, several such slides have cascaded from the western flanks of the Big Island–including the 350-cubic-kilometer Alika 2 slide about 120,000 years ago.”  (Robert Irion)

“Some researchers think that a megatsunami from that slide deposited coral and seashells high on the slopes of the island of Lanai more than 100 kilometers away.”

“Others reject that interpretation, claiming that the deposits mark the level of shorelines carved into Lanai before tectonic processes lifted the island.”  (Robert Irion)

“[T]he giant wave hypothesis (GWH) suggests a submarine landslide southeast of Lanai triggered three ‘giant waves’ that rushed toward Lanai with initial velocities of 149 m/s, at intervals of only one and a half minutes.”

“The first wave reached 190 m elevation on Lanai and eroded the soils and churned up boulders. The second wave reached the 375 m elevation, and picked up the gravels in suspension and stripped the terrain.”

“The third wave reached 190 m high on the island slope taking boulders in suspension, then accelerated down slope, stripping soil and molding the boulders into mound-shaped bed forms.” (Keating & Helsley)

“Computer simulations show that the tsunami would have swamped the other islands as well. ‘These waves were truly catastrophic,’ [Geologist Gary McMurtry of the University of Hawai‘i, Mānoa] says.”

“Still, [McMurtry] notes, they would be about as rare as megatsunamis from asteroids hitting the ocean–grave threats, but extremely unlikely in our lifetimes.” (Robert Irion)

Giant tsunamis, generated by submarine landslides in the Hawaiian Islands, have been thought to be responsible for the deposition of chaotic gravels high on the southern coastal slopes of the islands of Lanai and Molokai, Hawai‘i. Investigators  used uranium-thorium dating and a study of stratigraphic relationships.

That late investigation showed that deposits were formed by multiple events, separated by considerable periods of time, thus invalidating the main premise of the ‘giant wave’ theory.

Instead, the gravels were probably deposited during interglacial periods (when sea level was relatively high) by typical Hawaiian shoreline processes such as seasonal wave patterns, storm events and possibly ‘normal’ tsunamis, and reached their present height by uplift of Lanai. (Rubin, et al)

While the general consensus seems to be that a megatsunami was not the culprit, there have been other ‘normal’ tsunami that have impacted Lanai and other Islands.

“It was quite a severe earthquake as I remember. Another scary thing that happened on Lanai was a tidal wave during the building of Kaumalapau Harbor.”

“They were building the breakwater and they had a small locomotive that with the tracks ran out to the end so they could carry boulders out to build up the breakwater.”

“And this tidal wave came and later, we went down to see what damage had been done. And the tracks were twisted in knots and the locomotive was on its side. Ever since then, I’ve been very frightened of tidal waves.”

“No one was injured; it was just this damage because no homes were knocked down where the harbor was. (The homes were built on higher ground, so they were not damaged.)”

No one was working at the time … “I believe that tidal wave came during the middle of the night at a time when there was nobody down there.” (Jean Forbes Adams; UH Oral History, Lanai Ranch)

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Youth Developmental Enterprises

“There have been good years and bad years for hiring summer help to work the sprawling pineapple fields on [Lanai].”

“This happens to be a good year.  In fact, the past few years have been good, because Castle & Cooke Inc which owns Lanai, finally found some good summer workers. Mormon boys from the Mainland.” (Hnl Adv-Jul 15, 1976)

During the first two years the Pineapple picking program was a joint venture between the LDS Church and the Boy Scouts of America. Then, it was decided to hand off the program to a newly created independent corporation. Ross Olsen was the founder and primary leader of the new corporation. Ross called this new corporation Youth Developmental Enterprises. (Alchetron)

Youth Developmental Enterprises was a program that ran from about 1971 to 1993. During the first two years the program was a joint venture between the LDS Church and the Boy Scouts of America; then Youth Developmental Enterprises (YDE) ran the program. (Alchetron)

The primary activity of YDE was taking men and slightly older supervisors to Hawaii to work in the pineapple fields of Lanai and Maui. YDE took around 18,000 young men to Hawaii to accomplish this work; the stated goal of the organization was not pineapple production, but rather building the character of young men. (Alchetron)

“Offered by Youth Developmental Enterprises of Salt Lake City, the program boasts 800 job openings for young men between the ages of 16 and 18 desiring work such as truck drivers, cafeteria workers and general field workers.” (The Newspaper, Park City, Utah, Dec 15, 1976)

Participants pay $1,300 in advance to cover round-trip air fare to Hawaii, accident insurance, equipment (a backpack and a T-shirt), and project development (maintenance on the buildings where they live, etc).

They work five days a week, eight hours a day and gross $6 an hour; $4.25/day is taken out of their wages for room and board. Transportation to various places on the island for leisure-time activities, where the boys go as a group, is provided. (Deseret News)

“Students can opt to work from March 10 through August 27, April 22 through September 31 or June 3 through August 27. According to Youth Development Enterprises, youths can expect to save between $1,300 and $2,000 during the five month programs and $300 to $700 during the June-August stay.” (The Newspaper, Park City, Utah, Dec 15, 1976)

“While working in Hawaii, the young men from the intermountain area agree to uphold the standards of the LDS Church. Youth Developmental Enterprises, however, is not an LDS program.” (American Fork Citizen, April 1, 1976)

“‘The program is not for every young man,’ said Ross Olsen, founder and president of YDE. ‘It’s very structured. The purpose is an opportunity to work in a structured environment free of alcohol, drugs and tobacco. These young men get a sense of belonging and that they’re of value. It builds self-esteem.’

“The youthful employees start out on equal footing. The youths board in groups of about 18, with a home leader and a team leader (the team leader is in charge at work). They do everything together, including planning leisure activities.”

“The leaders are at least 21 and have proven track records as decent, law-abiding men, Olsen said. Most of them are returned missionaries for the LDS Church. But religion is never an issue, although participants are required to attend a Sunday church service of their choice.”  (Deseret News, Lois M Collins)

The program also had a school program that was linked to the local high school. Correspondence courses were also accredited through Salt Lake City’s Granite High School.

One-fourth of participants come back for more than one session. More return for schooling than for the money, according to Olsen. The program participates in an individual, self-paced learning program. Tutors, who are under the direction of certified teachers, work with the students.

The tutors don’t grade assignments; that’s done by an individual who will “probably never even meet the students but will grade him on his own merits.” Students earn credits through the Hawaii Department of Education.  (Deseret News, Lois M Collins)

“The boys from the U.S. were flown to Hawaii on a chartered aircraft and will work for 11 weeks. During the last eight days of their stay they will be taken on a tour of three of the islands and then flown back to the mainland.” (Greeley Daily Tribune, July 28, 1976)

The teens arrived with who knows what on their mind about an experience in far away Hawaii, and found themselves on a remote island, living in dorms, and out in the fields doing hoe hana (weeding with a hoe), picking and all manner of work.

Team leaders with the Mormon youth crew kept the teens organized, rising for work in the early a.m., getting to the cafeteria for meals, to the labor yard for transportation to the work sites, and made sure that the youth got down to the island beaches and swimming spots.  (Lanai Culture & Heritage)

“For several years, Dole had depended mainly on Mainland boys for most of its summer labor on Lanai and the Mainlanders had performed well, compared with ‘not so good’ experience with local youths in the 1960s”. (Hnl Adv, Sep 17, 1981)

“The Isle teenagers accounted for 21 of the 28 non-Lanai ‘gangs,’ the rest coming from the Mainland. A gang has 17 pickers who move through the field behind a truck-mounted boom, picking the fruit,  breaking off the crowns and placing both on a conveyor belt.” (Hnl Adv, Sep 17, 1981)

“For the first time ever, Dole hired non-Lanai girls – 50 in all.  The girls ‘added something we never had – a sense of stability,’ says Sakamoto, a Big Island native.  ‘During off hours, it was like a big high school, with boys and girls sitting under coconut trees talking story’ he says. A bonus for the boys: ‘The girls would teach them how to w ash their clothes.” (Hnl Adv, Sep 17, 1981)

Maui Land & Pineapple also hired through YDE.  … “Until five years ago Maui Pine recruited 100 per cent of its labor from the island. With the rapid increase in hotels and the resulting decrease in local agricultural labor the company was forced into recruiting from the off islands and finally from the Mainland.” (Hnl Adv-Jun 14, 1973)

“At 5 a.m. dawn just begins to break over the peaks on West Maui. The tourists slumber soundly in their cozy nests from Lahaina to Napili. Only the birds and crowing roosters stir in the dim light.”

“Off the coast and up a narrow, red dirt road lined by tall Norfolk pines, the pastoral scene is shattered by the crash of heavy boots and the sleepy cries of, ‘I’m hungry.’  The season has started for the summer pickers at Maui Land & Pineapple’s Honolua Plantation just outside of Napili.”

“Tumbling out of dormitories wearing clothes of all descriptions, the seasonal workers come to breakfast before heading out to the fields for a long day of picking. Hours later the scene is repeated when the night shift comes to life.”

“Several of this year’s gang are returnees from Hawaii and the Mainland. But 60 of the 110 ‘imported’ workers are 16 to 18 year olds from Utah, the home state of the Church of Jesus Christ of the Latter Day Saints.”  (Deseret News, Lois M Collins)

When Hawai‘i programs eventually ended, various negotiations were begun to work for the LDS Church Farms in Bradenton, Florida, picking tomatoes and oranges, some independent tomato and squash growers in Beaufort, South Carolina and a tree-planting effort in Mississippi. None of these programs really got off the ground and the entire YDE program ended. (Alchetron)

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