Hawaiian Traditions | Page 87 | Images of Old Hawaiʻi

November 30, 2016 by Peter T Young 14 Comments

Kahikilani

The island of Oʻahu is divided into 6 moku (districts), consisting of: ‘Ewa, Kona, Koʻolauloa, Koʻolaupoko, Waialua and Waiʻanae. These moku were further divided into 86 ahupua‘a (land divisions within the moku.)

Paumalū (‘taken secretly’ (a shark bit off the legs of a woman who caught more squid than was permitted)) is an ahupua‘a in the moku (district) of Koʻolauloa, on the North Shore of O‘ahu. (23-ahupua‘a make up the district of Koʻolauloa.)

“’Pūpūkea-Paumalū survey in progess’ is a note appearing in for February (1904,) which refers to an important discovery of homestead lands on this island. They consist of two tracts of good land aggregating 4,000-acres just northeast of Waimea Bay, and the Oahu Railway runs through the lower portion on the seashore.” (Pacific Commercial Advertiser, April 29, 1904)

In 1907, the territory was advertising sale of agricultural – pastoral land in the Pūpūkea-Paumalū Tract, “Each of these lots contain large proportions of fine pineapple land.” (Evening Bulletin, June 1, 1907) Later, appropriations were made for water service.

A few years later (1913,) portions of the makai land was noted as subdivided into the Pūpūkea-Paumalū Beach Lots. A resubdivision happened later (1919.)

By 1919, land along the beach, named the Pūpūkea-Paumalū Beach Tract, was sold for residential property. These houses were mostly vacation homes for those who lived in Honolulu. (Dagher) Territorial appropriations were made in 1921 for the construction of roads through the tract.

Long ago there lived on Kauai a chief who was very fond of surfing by the name of Kahikilani (‘the arrival (of) chief.’) He had won every surfing contest on his own home island and now came to O‘ahu to try his skill.

As the surf at Waikiki was not to his liking, he went on to the Koʻolau side of the island. He wanted to prove his prowess in Paumalū surf. He found what he wanted in the large thundering waves of Paumalū.

While he was surfing he noticed some birds circling about him. One old bird in particular would fly a short distance away and then return to circle about him as if urging him to follow.

He did so, and the bird led him into a cave where he met a beautiful girl who had fallen in love with him as she watched him surfing and had sent her pets, the sea-birds, to lead him to her.

She asked him to become her husband and he accepted her proposal. Each morning before he left her for his favorite sport she made him two lehua wreaths to wear, one for his head and one for his neck.

For a long time they lived thus happily until one day as he came ashore from surfing, another girl greeted him and threw about his neck several strands of the golden ʻilima.

The old seabird flew home and reported to his mistress what he had seen. When she saw her lover returning with the ʻilima wreaths about his neck in addition to the lehua strands which she had braided for him, she was very angry and called upon her ancestral gods (ʻaumakua) to punish him.

As he ascended the hill he felt his body becoming heavy and, as he turned to look once more at his beloved surfing beach, there he remained transfixed in stone and is so to this day. (Cultural Surveys)

Some refer to the stone as the ‘George Washington Stone (or Rock;)’ it resembles George Washington wearing a hat.

Oh, one other thing …

Paumalū continues its reputation for its big waves; today, most generally refer to it as Sunset Beach.

Follow Peter T Young on Facebook

Follow Peter T Young on Google+

Follow Peter T Young on LinkedIn

Follow Peter T Young on Blogger

George Washington Rock-1924

Kahikilani-George_Washington

Emanuel_Leutze_(American,_Schwäbisch_Gmünd_1816–1868_Washington,_D.C.)_-_Washington_Crossing_the_Delaware

George Washington

Kahikilani-Paumalu

November 27, 2016 by Peter T Young 1 Comment

Uakoko

E ui aku ana au iā ʻoe
Aia i hea ka wai a Kāne?
Aia i kai, i ka moana
I ke kualau, i ke ānuenue
I ka pūnohu, i ka ua koko
I ka ʻālewalewa
Aia i laila ka wai a Kāne

This question I ask of you:
Where, indeed, is the water of Kāne?
There, at sea, on the ocean
In the driving rain, in the heavenly rainbow
In the piled-up mist-wreath, in the blood-red rainfall
In the ghost-pale cloud form
There is the water of Kāne
(Kumukahi)

Uakoko – Lit., blood rain – A low-lying rainbow; A rain so heavy that it turns stream waters red-brown with the wash of the hillside; Reflection of rainbow colors in the clouds. (Ulukau)

“Usually the birth of a kupua, like the birth of a high chief, was attended with strange disturbances in the heavens, such as reverberating thunder, flashing lightning, and severe storms …”

“… which sent the abundant red soil of the islands down the mountain-sides in blood-red torrents known as ka-ua-koko (the blood rain). This name was also given to misty fine rain when shot through by the red waves of the sun.” (Westervelt)

“This was one of the signs of royalty. It was called red rain as also blood rain, whether on land or on the ocean. Whenever a red rain was seen on land or sea, then a priest would remark: ‘I wonder who will be the chief that will die, as foretold by this red rain?’”

“The interpretations of this sign, in relation to the chiefs were many, concerning the demise, or the birth of a chief, or, of the approach or departure of a chief.”

“These signs, such as the clappings of thunder, the fiashings of lightning, and the rain and wind on the ocean were all signs of royalty and pertained either to a dying chief, a traveling chief, or the birth of a chief. These signs do not appear every day, being only seen at their proper time for such revelation.” (Fornander)

“On Oct. 16, 1876, at the house on Emma Street, was born to Princess Miriam Likelike (Mrs AS Cleghorn – Liliʻuokalani’s sister) the child now known to the world as the Princess Kaʻiulani. She was at once recognized as the hope of the Hawaiian people, as the only direct heir by birth to the throne.” (Liliʻuokalani)

The following is one of six name songs written by Lili’uokalani for her niece and heir apparent, Kaʻiulani.

(Rainbows were symbols of royalty. Kauai is praised in the song because some of Kaʻiulan’’s relatives came from there. In the last stanza, Mano is short for Manokalanipō, a famous Kauai chief. Naue on Kauai is noted for pandanus, and Makana cliff in the Hanalei District, for its fragrant ferns.) (Ulukau)

He Inoa No Kaʻiulani

Lamalama i luna ka ‘ōnohi lā
Kāhiko ua koko ‘ula
Ka hō’ailona kapu o ke kama lā
He ēwe mai nā kūpuna

Ahāhā, ua nani ka wahine lā
Ahāhā, ka nohona i ka la’i
Ahāhā, ua hele a nohea lā
Pua ha’aheo o ke aupuni

Ki’ina ka wehi o ke kama lā
I ka mokupuni o Mano
Ka hala o Naue i ke kai lā
Laua’e ‘a’ala o Makana

Kāohi ‘ia iho ka mana’o lā
A ho’i mai ‘o Lilinoe
Ka wahine noho i ke anu lā
I ka piko o Maunakea

A Name Song for Kaʻiulani

The display of a rainbow illuminates above
An adornment with the blood red rain
This is the sacred sign of the princess
The lineage passed down from the ancestors

Well, now, the lady is so pretty
Here now, dwelling in tranquility
My, how she has become so beautiful
A flower that her nation embraces with pride

Fetch the adornment for the princess
On the island of Mano
The hala of Naue in the sea
And the fragrant laua’e of Makana

Any further thoughts should be repressed
Until Lilinoe returns
The woman who dwells in the chilly cold
At the summit of Mauna Kea
(The Liliu Project – Ulukau)

Performance by Hawaii Youth Opera Chorus (HYOC:)

Follow Peter T Young on Facebook

Follow Peter T Young on Google+

Follow Peter T Young on LinkedIn

Follow Peter T Young on Blogger

RedRain-Jordan

November 26, 2016 by Peter T Young Leave a Comment

Kapa

The Polynesian name of the moon, Mahina, is derived from Hina, the goddess mother of Maui. The Hawaiians say that Hina and her maidens pounded out the softest, finest kapa cloth on the long, thick kapa board at the foot of Kauiki. (Westervelt)

The Hawaiian background of the name Kapa has been generally retained, although many of the Polynesian groups have called their bark-cloth by other names or other forms of this name. The origin of the name is simply ka = the, and pa = beaten, or the beaten thing.

Its earliest and most important use is for clothing; malo: a strip of cloth nine inches wide and nine feet long for the man, and pa‘u for the woman: a strip a little wider and somewhat longer.

White kapa was sometimes used to cover the inside of the thatch of a hale. It was used for decoration on the walls of the more open lanai or porch. The thick ribbed kapa was used as a mat, and a tough leathery variety was used in the early days of the Mission as a handsome and suitable material for binding books.

A firm, rather coarse, white kapa was used as a covering for the anuʻu or oracle in the heiau or temple where the gods were supposed to talk down to the priest or chief.

At certain seasons of the year, as at makahiki (first day of the year) and at some religious festivals, the images of the gods were dressed in fresh white or red kapa with great ceremony, while the old kapa dress was burned, lest some sacrilegious person might use it.

Strips of kapa made excellent cord or twine, or, when twisted or braided, even rope; the latter had another use in quite a different line as slow-match, the charred end readily catching the fire from the fire-sticks and, slowly consuming, held the fire conveniently.

Smaller strips were the wicks for the stone lamps so common on the group fifty years ago, the simple cups affording a ready way of increasing the light of a lamp by adding wick after wick around the rim.

A strip of white kapa tied around a tree indicated that the fruit was kapu; the same signal on a stick placed in a path indicated “no thoroughfare.”

In fastening the stone adze (koi) to the handle (au), a fold or two of kapa was interposed between stone and wood before binding together with sennet; when kapa could not be obtained hala leaves were substituted, but kapa was preferred.

The white, unstained kapa was used to bandage wounds, and was scraped into lint for stanching blood, precisely as we should use cotton or linen cloth at the present day. (Brigham)

Akia, wauke palaholo, mamaki – these plants grow in the forests on hills, in valleys, on side hills, on ridges, and in green meadows; also on the banks of taro patches.

They can be found growing on the eight inhabited islands and had grown there plentifully; but on some of those islands they grow more abundantly, and cover a large area of land, and on some they are scarce. (Brigham)

In Hawai‘i, wauke made the softest, finest, and most durable bark cloth, for dress, bed sheets, and for ceremonial purposes. The inner bark of other trees and ferns named above, and including ulu (breadfruit) and mamane, was used for making coarser cloth for other uses – or if wauke could not be obtained. (Handy)

The method of getting wauke is the same for the various kapas which a person desires; it is only during the process of beating out the kapa that a person could make use of the pattern which she prefers.

After cutting a tree, he next trimmed off the outside bark; the wauke was left in the water until soft; after six days, eight days, ten days or perhaps twenty days, it was taken out of the water. (Fornander)

The strips were laid edge to edge, and felted together by beating with wooden beaters of different sizes, square in cross section, having carved geometric designs on their four faces to give watermarking. Many successive beatings with lighter and lighter clubs were required to make the finest cloth. (Handy)

For the process of beating the kapa these things are prepared: The block on which to do the beating; this block is made broad and flat on top and the two ends are made thus: the top one is lengthened and the under one is shortened. Water is used through the beating process to keep the wauke continually wet. (Fornander)

The first i‘e (club – tapa beater) (a coarse-figured club) is used for hard pounding. After that is the i‘ekike, the dividing club, a smaller-figured club; then comes the printing club and the finishing club. The kapa is then cut. It is next taken to soak in water.

It is then spread to dry at a place prepared for drying it, that is the drying ground; there it is spread out and pressed down with rocks placed here and there so that the pa‘u would not wrinkle. This is continued until the pa‘u is dry. And this is done until there are five kapa; they are then sewn together. That is called a set of kapa.

Relating to the mamaki. Going after this kind of a plant is like going after the wauke. The method of preparation and making is the same. The kapa, however, is greatly favored by the chiefs. (Fornander)

Decoration of Hawaiian tapa, in addition to the watermarking, consisted of dyeing, felting on strips of colored tapa by beating, and stamping with small bamboo printing blocks (‘ohe kapala). (Handy)

Follow Peter T Young on Facebook

Follow Peter T Young on Google+

Follow Peter T Young on LinkedIn

Follow Peter T Young on Blogger

‘Woman_of_the_Sandwich_Islands_making_the_Natural_Cloth_with_which_they_are_Dressed’_by_Jacques_Arago

Hina-(HerbKane)

Alphonse_Pellion,_Îles_Sandwich;_Maisons_de_Kraïmokou,_Premier_Ministre_du_Roi;_Fabrication_des_Étoffes_(c._1819,_detail)

Kapa printers-kamahawaii

Kapa_or_Tapa_cloth,_Hawaii,_collected_before_1890_-_Pacific_collection_-_Peabody_Museum,_Harvard_University_-_DSC05747

Kapa Holoku-MissionHouses

Kapa Beater

Kapa beaters-ie kuku hooki-kapakulture

Kapa_or_Tapa_cloth,_Hawaii,_possibly_collected_by_Captain_James_Cook,_before_1869_-_Pacific_collection_-_Peabody_Museum,_Harvard_University_-_DSC05749

November 22, 2016 by Peter T Young Leave a Comment

Timeline Tuesday … 1810s

Today’s ‘Timeline Tuesday’ takes us through the 1810s – Kamehameha and Kaumualiʻi negotiations, death of Kamehameha and the fall of the Kapu. We look at what was happening in Hawai‘i during this time period and what else was happening around the rest of the world.

A Comparative Timeline illustrates the events with images and short phrases. This helps us to get a better context on what was happening in Hawai‘i versus the rest of the world. I prepared these a few years ago for a planning project. (Ultimately, they never got used for the project, but I thought they might be on interest to others.)

Follow Peter T Young on Facebook

Follow Peter T Young on Google+

Follow Peter T Young on LinkedIn

Follow Peter T Young on Blogger

timeline-1810s

November 19, 2016 by Peter T Young 2 Comments

Not Completely Settled

At the time of discovery by Captain James Cook, the Hawaiian Islands were not completely settled. Only the best of the arable land, capable of cultivation by the gardening methods practiced, was actually utilized.

This was probably because the Hawaiians had been in these islands since between approximately AD 1000 and 1200 (Kirch,) and their agricultural development and the expansion of population were constantly interfered with by the feuding of the ali‘i.

Had it not been for European intrusion in the late 18th century and the consequent decline of the subsistence economy and rapid dwindling of the number of Hawaiians, it is reasonable to assume that there would gradually have come about, over a period of centuries, a considerable expansion of land utilization and of population.

If the same ingenuity shown in building aqueducts in Waimea Valley and Kalalau on Kauai had been applied to many other stream systems throughout the islands, a great deal more wet taro could have been cultivated by terracing more land on the lower slopes of the hills bordering the valleys.

For example, there is much relatively level land in Wailua on Kauai to which water could have been brought by means of aqueducts tapping the ample flow of the Wailua River … the same is true of a number of other localities on the leeward side of this island, which is more plentifully supplied with abundant water than any of the other islands.

On Oahu, if aqueducts and hillside terracing comparable to that in Kalalau on Kauai had been employed, the interior and slopes of most of the larger taro valleys could have been converted into lo‘i.

In Mānoa and Nu‘uanu, for example, it was only the relatively level areas that were terraced. This was true equally of the stream systems of the windward coast of Oahu and of West Maui.

It becomes apparent that for the most part loci were built only where water was easily accessible, where the main stream could be tapped without recourse to anything other than simple ditching.

A little more ingenuity and labor, instigated by pressure of population such as existed in the isolated valleys of Kalalau on Kauai and Wailua Nui on East Maui, would have induced or compelled the people to develop considerably more land for irrigated taro.

Most of the extensive systems of lo‘i must have been planned with a view to developing an overall system rather than allowing the system to grow piecemeal, because the ditching had to be so patterned as to bring fresh water direct to every lo’i so planned.

It is not improbable that there was an era following colonization of Hawaii when the lo’i systems, ditches, aqueducts, and fishponds were developed, after which the utilization and maintenance of these became a matter of routine under surveillance of konohiki, or supervisors for the aliʻi landlords.

After the early epoch of massive enterprise and the terracing of the best lands for irrigation, the constant strife between rival aliʻi and the system of transferring title to lands at the accession of every new high chief would certainly have served as a deterrent to further pioneering.

There seems to have been more initiative in the creation of irrigation systems on Kauai than on any other island. This was probably because of the large stream systems there and the depth of the valleys, and probably also because of the island’s relative isolation which discouraged invasion by chieftains from neighboring islands.

If ingenuity and technology of Hawaiians on Kauai enabled them to build aqueducts, such as those described at Waimea and on the Koaie stream, and to terrace the steep sides of Kalalau Valley, the people of the other islands must have been capable of similar achievements.

But there are no elevated stone aqueducts, and no terraced valley sides on Oahu, on Maui, on Molokai, or on Hawaii. Waialua on Oahu has a river whose waters could have been used to develop very large areas of lo’i, but there were here no such developed areas.

In many valleys with large streams (Waimea, Kāne’ohe, Nuʻuanu, Kalihi) there might well have been much greater utilization of available water and land on Oahu. The same is true of both West and East Maui, of Molokai, and of windward Hawai‘i.

One factor of prime importance affecting the development of plantation areas was propinquity to good fishing grounds. Such land areas as were intensively developed were always in localities where good fishing grounds were easily accessible.

It may be said therefore that as a general principle Hawaiians developed their land resources only where they lay not too far distant from good fishing grounds which would give them their needed protein food. Hogs and dogs were luxuries enjoyed by the aliʻi, rarely by country folk.

It was only in Kāʻu and Kona on the island of Hawaii that upland plantations were systematically developed to a great degree. The reason may have been that the shores and offshore waters offered such rich opportunity for fishing that plantations were extended far into the upland.

The Puna, Hilo, Hāmākua and Kohala Districts might well have developed more extensive areas of mulched taro, but the fishing grounds were not as rich; and hence, perhaps, there were fewer families to farm the uplands.

On Kauai and O‘ahu sweet potatoes were planted only as a supplement to taro, along the coastal zone where there was sandy or rather dry soil not suitable for taro. Yet there were very extensive areas which, it would seem, might have been utilized for sweet potatoes if there had been sufficient pressure of population to demand it.

This applies to much of the kula land which has since been planted in pineapple and sugar cane, from Kalihi to Hanapepe on Kauai. On Oahu, it applies particularly to the hills between the mountains and the sea in the Kāne’ohe area, and to the level lands now planted in pineapples and sugar cane between the Koʻolau and Waiʻanae ranges.

On Maui the same is true of much of the kula land now or recently utilized for pineapples or cane on the east, north, and south slopes of West Mau, and from Makawao to Waipi‘o on the west and northern slopes of Haleakala on East Maui. On Molokai, homesteaders at Ho‘olehua, on land not planted in ancient times, were growing sweet potatoes with great success.

On the island of Hawai‘i the population was quite sparse in many areas of the Hāmākua coast, Waimea, and Kohala, which were ideally suited to sweet-potato cultivation. In the vicinity of Honokaʻa and Kalaupapa on the Hāmākua coast, flourishing sweet-potato patches have been seen in localities where forest formerly stood.

Most of the land that was planted in sugar cane (in modern times) could have been used for mulched taro or sweet potatoes, but that would have involved the clearing of the ancient candlenut forest, a type of operation which Hawaiians rarely undertook with their stone adzes. This type of forest cannot be cleared by burning over.

Breadfruit was extensively planted only in upper Wailua on Kauai and in Kona and Puna on Hawai‘i. Yet on every island this food, could have been grown in quantity. Lack of pressure of population and a preference for taro, and next to that for sweet potato, were doubtless responsible for the neglect of breadfruit.

Modern plantations of banana on areas of O‘ahu formerly neglected by Hawaiians show how this food could have been grown in quantity. For Hawaiians it was a subsidiary item, like sugar cane, which was casually planted on the banks between lo‘i and the rocky borders of upland plantations.

The neglect of the banana as a perennial food producer is one of the indications that the islands were by no means completely settled.

Coconut trees flourished in many isolated localities on Kauai, O‘ahu, Maui and Hawai‘i. Yet the coconut was not systematically planted, and there were only two varieties in contrast to the great number of varieties in the southern islands. The nut, which in three stages of growth is a valuable food, was eaten hardly at all.

Candlenut oil was preferred to that of the coconut as a condiment. The leaves were little used for thatch or baskets. The shells were rarely used for cups. Possibly the coconut was a late comer in the island economy. (All of the information above is from Handy.)

The Nature Conservancy and Office of Hawaiian Affairs collaborated on a mapping project that identified ecological regions and the pre- and post-contact ‘Hawaiian Footprint.’ (Footprint notes the geospatial areas that were chronically occupied, directly manipulated and significantly changed from pre-existing Hawaiian ecosystem types into traditional Hawaiian uses.)

In ecological terms, a ‘footprint’ can be defined as a measure of human demand on ecosystems of any given area. It represents the estimated geographic area required to both supply the resources that are consumed by a population as well as assimilate the associated wastes that are produced by the production and consumption of those resources. (ESRI)

The map here, as well as those in the attached album, shows the estimated pre-contact settlement and use by the native Hawaiians.

The Native Hawaiian Footprint of the main Hawaiian Islands is estimated to be approximately 382,000 acres or about 9.3-percent of the main Hawaiian Islands. The pre-contact footprint is remarkably smaller than the present-day footprint of approximately 2.1-million acres or over 52-percent of the main Hawaiian Islands.

Follow Peter T Young on Facebook

Follow Peter T Young on Google+

Follow Peter T Young on LinkedIn

Follow Peter T Young on Blogger