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December 5, 2024 by Peter T Young Leave a Comment

Hawaiian Settlement and Land Use

“Before the coming of man, native forest clothed the islands from seashore to timber line as it does today in undisturbed areas of certain other Pacific islands.” (Elwood Zimmerman, Insects in Hawaii, 1948)

“After the arrival of the Polynesians, … the rapid retreat of the forests began. Fires set by the natives, as is still being done all over the Pacific, made great advances through the lowland and dry-land forests.” (Elwood Zimmerman)

The “forest was cleared by the Polynesian settlers of the valley, with the aid of fire, during the expansion of shifting cultivation … The cumulative effects of forest clearance and habitat modification through the use of fire led to major changes in lowland ecology.” (Patrick Kirch, Impact of the Prehistoric Polynesians on the Hawaiian Ecosystem)

“As a result of population increase and concomitant agricultural development, the greater part of the lowland landscape of the archipelago had been converted to a thoroughly artificial ecosystem prior to European advent.” (Patrick Kirch)

“It is generally assumed that an oceanic people such as the Hawaiians lived mainly by fishing. Actually fishing occupied a very small part of the time and interest of the majority of Hawaiians.” (Craighill Handy, Native Planters)

“For every fisherman’s house along the coasts there were hundreds of homesteads of planters in the valleys and the slopes and plains between the shore and forest.” (Craighill Handy)

“The Hawaiians, more than any of the other Polynesians, were a people whose means of livelihood, whose work and interests, were centered in the cultivation of the soil. The planter and his life furnish us with the key to his culture.” (Craighill Handy)

“Boys were raised to be farmers rather than fighters. When a boy child was weaned, he was dedicated to the god of agriculture and peace. The planter’s labors on the land and his identification with it were other factors that made the native countryman prefer peace and prosperity to the ravages and excitements of fighting.” (Craighill Handy)

“In their practice of agriculture the ancient planters had transformed the face of their land by converting flatlands and gentle slopes to terraced areas where water was brought for irrigation by means of ditches from mountain streams.” (Craighill Handy)

“Hawaiian homes were scattered through the areas cultivated from forest to sea. Not only was the character of the people and their culture determined by their planting economy, but also by their demography.”  (Craighill Handy)

“The land area with which the Polynesian migrant first became familiar was of necessity that along shore, wherever his voyaging canoe made its landfall. This area he termed ko kaha kai (place [land] by the sea).” (Handy, Handy, & Pukui, Native Planters)

“There appear to be three or four different regions in passing from the sea shore to the summit. The first occupies five or six miles, where cultivation is carried on”. (Joseph Goodrich, Notice of the volcanic character of the Island of Hawaii, American Journal of Science, 1826)

“This might comprise a broad sandy beach and the flats above it, or the more rugged shore of cove or harbor with its rocky terrain – in fact many and varied descriptions might fit, according to locale. Kaha was a special term applied to areas facing the shore but not favorable for planting. (Handy, Handy, & Pukui)

“The highest numbers of people in the early historic period … are found in this [Coastal Settlement] zone from sea level to roughly 20 to 50 ft elevation or 1/2 mile inland.”  (Holly McEldowney)

“Early descriptions, as well as the distribution of known sites, suggest that structures representing both permanent and/or temporary use occur along the entire coast. … Villages tended to appear either as a compact unit or as an elongate complex paralleling the coastline”.  (Holly McEldowney)

“Next above were the plains or sloping lands (kula), those to seaward being termed ko kula kai and those toward the mountains ko kula uka (uka, inland or upland). Here were the great stretches of waving pili grass, which was used to make the thick rain-repellent thatch for dwellings (hale).”  (Handy, Handy, & Pukui)

“Before cultivation took over the area, the carpeting grass was interspersed with vines (such as the koali, morning-glory) and many shrubs, all of which found practical uses by the immigrant folk. There were also a few stunted trees.” (Handy, Handy, & Pukui)

“On the ko kula uka, the upland slopes, were found the native ginger and other flowering plants, medicinal herbs, and thick-growing clumps of shrubs. Here too the great variety of trees attained to greater height, and their wood became the source of valuable materials for many necessities of life.” (Handy, Handy, & Pukui)

“This word kula, used by Hawaiians for sloping land between mountain and sea, really meant plain or sloping land without trees.  (Handy, Handy, & Pukui)

“In terms of use, from the Hawaiian planter’s point of view it was the area beyond or intersecting the kula lands that was of prime importance in dictating his habitation and his favored type of subsistence.” (Handy, Handy, & Pukui)

“This was the kahawai, ‘the place [having] fresh water’ – in other words, the valley stretching down from the forested uplands, carved out and made rich in humus by its flowing stream.” (Handy, Handy, & Pukui)

“Here he could find (or make) level plots for taro terraces, diverting stream water by means of ‘auwai (ditches) into the lo’i, or descending series of lo‘i, until from below the whole of the visible valley afforded a scene of lush green cultivation amidst fresh water glinting in the sun.” (Handy, Handy, & Pukui)

“The planter might have his main dwelling here, or he might dwell below and maintain here only a shelter to use during periods of intensive cultivation in the kahawai. Here also was a source of many of his living needs and luxuries, from medicinal herbs to flowers for decorative garlands, and with a wide range in between. (Handy, Handy, & Pukui)

“Strawberries, raspberries, as large as butternuts, and whortleberries flourish in this region …. It is entirely broken up by hills and vallies, composed of lava, with a very shallow soil.” (Joseph Goodrich)

“Although estimates as to the extent of this [Upland Agricultural] zone vary in early journal accounts, most confirm an expanse of unwooded grasslands or a ‘plain’ …. Scattered huts, emphasized by adjacent garden plots and small groves of economically beneficial tree species, dotted this expanse up to 1,500 ft elevation (i.e., the edge of the forest).” (Holly McEldowney, Lava Flow Control Study)

“The cumulative effects of shifting agricultural practices (i.e., slash-and-bum or swidden), prevalent among Polynesian and Pacific peoples, probably created and maintained this open grassland mixed with pioneering species and species that tolerate light and regenerate after a fire.” (Holly McEldowney)

“The constituents of gardens and tree crops in the village basically continued in the upland except that dry-land taro was planted more extensively and bananas were more numerous. Wet or irrigated taro occurred along small streams, tributaries, and rivers that cut into the ash-capped substrates.”  (Holly McEldowney)

“With remarkable consistency, early visitors … describe an open parkland gently sloping to the base of the woods. This open but verdant expanse, broken by widely spaced ‘cottages’ or huts, neatly tended gardens, and small clusters of trees, was comfortingly reminiscent of English or New England countrysides.”  (Holly McEldowney)

“Estimates as to the extent of this unwooded expanse ranged from between five and six miles to between three and four miles above the coast or village, with most falling between four or five miles.” (Holly McEldowney)  “[T]hose woods that so remarkably surround this island at a uniform distance of four and five miles from the shore” (Ledyard, Cook’s Crew, 1779)

“The land we passed in the forenoon rose in a steep bank from the water side and from thence the country stretched back with an easy acclivity for about four or five miles, and was laid out into little fields, apparently well cultivated and interspersed with the habitations of the natives. Beyond this the country became steeply rugged and woody, forming mountains of great elevation.” (Menzies, 3 visits to Hawai‘i onboard Vancouver’s 1792-1794 voyages)

“[T]he central idea of the Hawaiian division of land was emphatically … radial. Hawaiian life vibrated from uka, mountain, whence came wood, kapa for clothing, olona for fishline, ti-leaf for wrapping paper, ie for rattan lashing, wild birds for food, to the kai, sea, whence came ia, fish, and all connected therewith.” (Curtis J Lyons, Islander, July 2, 1875)

“Wao means the wild – a place distant and not often penetrated by man. The wao la‘au is the inland forested region, often a veritable jungle, which surmounts the upland kula slopes on every major island of the chain, reaching up to very high elevations especially on Kauai, Maui, and Hawaii.” (Handy, Handy, & Pukui, Native Planters)

“The Hawaiians recognized and named many divisions or aspects of the wao: first, the wao kanaka, the reaches most accessible, and most valuable, to man (kanaka); and above that, denser and at higher elevations, the wao akua, forest of the gods, remote, awesome, seldom penetrated, source of supernatural influences, both evil and beneficent. The wao kele, or wao ma‘u kele, was the rain forest.” (Handy, Handy, & Pukui)

“Use of [the Lower Forest – Wao Kanaka] zone, from roughly 1,500 to 2,500 ft elevation, revolved around the gathering of forest resources needed for a variety of wood, feather, and fiber products, and for the collecting of supplemental food crops grown in small forest clearings and along streams.” (Holly McEldowney)

“This includes the celebrated and specialized crafts of cutting koa for canoes and catching birds for feather-decorated objects. Historic accounts suggest that a cluster of small huts, small religious shrines, and numerous paths were frequented by a family unit or group of workers for these purposes.” (Holly McEldowney)

“Here grew giant trees and tree ferns (ama’u) under almost perpetual cloud and rain. The wao kanaka and the wao la‘au provided man with the hard wood of the koa for spears, utensils, and logs for boat hulls; pandanus leaves (lau hala) for thatch and mats; bark of the mamaki tree for making tapa cloth; candlenuts (kukui) for oil and lights …” (Handy, Handy, & Pukui)

“… wild yams and roots for famine time; sandalwood, prized when shaved or ground as a sweet scent for bedding and stored garments. These and innumerable other materials were sought and found and worked by man in or from the wao.” (Handy, Handy, & Pukui)

“[T]he zone of timber land … generally exists between the 1,700 feet and 5,000 feet line of elevation. The ordinary ahupuaa extends from half a mile to a mile into this belt.  Mauka and makai are therefore fundamental ideas to the native of an island. Land … was divided accordingly.” (Curtis J Lyons)

“[T]he heaviest general use of the forest took place one-half to one mile above the forest margin”. (Holly McEldowney)  “[I]t should here be remarked that it was by virtue of some valuable product of said forests that the extension of territory took place.”  (Curtis J Lyons)

“For instance, out of a dozen lands only one possessed the right to kalai waa, hew out canoes from the koa forest. Another land embraced the wauke and olona grounds, the former for kapa, the latter for fish line.”  (Curtis J Lyons)

“The upper region is composed of lava in almost every form, from huge rocks to volcanic sand of the coarser kind. Some of the peaks are composed of coarse sand, and others of loose stones and pebbles.” (Joseph Goodrich)

“The term for mountain or mountain range – a mountainous region – is kuahiwi (backbone).” (Handy, Handy, & Pukui) “The earliest accounts … refer to these mountain regions as a vast, uninhabited, and infrequently visited wilderness. … Exceptions are the consistent descriptions of caves used for shelter and as potential water sources”. (Holly McEldowney)

© 2024 Ho‘okuleana LLC

Filed Under: General, Hawaiian Traditions, Place Names, Economy Tagged With: Kai, Hawaii, Kula, Kahawai, Wao Kanaka, Kuahiwi, Ko Kula Kai, Uka

December 3, 2024 by Peter T Young Leave a Comment

Kanaka Pete

“It is my painful duty to report to you that the extreme sentence of the law has been carried out upon a native born Hawaiian, who had been in this Colony for many years, and who was convicted at the last assizes of the murder of his wife and child, and his wife’s father and mother.” (Henry Rhodes, Hawaiian Consulate, Victoria, May 18, 1869; Hawaiian Gazette, July 7, 1869)

Today, there is a place known as Kanaka Bay, named after Kanaka Pete on the east side of Newcastle Island, off Nanaimo, Vancouver Island, British Columbia.  Let’s look back.

Peter Kakua (‘Kanaka Pete’) left his home in Honolulu in the Kingdom of Hawaiʻi for Fort Vancouver, Washington Territory, in 1853.  He travelled to Victoria in 1854 but soon departed for Fort Rupert in the service of the Hudson’s Bay Company.

Pete remained at Fort Rupert for five years, then returned to Victoria where he “worked for Sir James Douglas (Governor of both Vancouver Island and British Columbia) for a year.”  He left and took a job with the Vancouver Coal Company at Nanaimo.  (Illerbrun)

Kakua’s aboriginal wife, Que-en (his ‘common law’ wife of about six years, known as Mary,) told him, via her brother, that she was leaving her husband. Kakua returned home to find Mary, their young child, plus Mary’s parents, packing up her things.  (Fryer, BC Local News)

Then, on December 4, 1868, four bodies were found in Peter Kakua’s home and the Hawaiian was missing.  They didn’t have to look far, however, to find him; he was sitting beside a fire on Newcastle Island.

December 5, 1868, he was arrested and charged with the murders of his Indian wife, Que-en (known as Mary;) their infant daughter and his wife’s parents (Squash-e-lik and Shil-at-ti-Nord.)  (Cunningham, BC Local News)

At the Coroner’s Inquest, Pete willingly offered the following statement, “My wife had gone away and left me for some days, and had sent me a message by her brother to say that she did not intend living with me anymore.”

“I began drinking and continued up to the night of Thursday the 3rd Decr. About 12 o’clock on that night I returned to my house with the intention of going to bed.”

“When I opened the door I found a fire burning, and my wife and her father and mother sitting round it. I asked them what they wanted, and if my wife was going to live with me again, they told me no, they had only come for her things.”

“I got some drinks from a friend. I then thought I would go and sleep in my own house on the floor. When I went in I found the old man in bed with his daughter. I thought this too bad, and took hold of him to drag him out.”

“He caught hold of my hair and pulled me down on the bed and got my finger into his mouth and called out to the old woman to come and beat me. The old woman rushed at me and began striking me on the head and body with a stick, my wife also striking me.”  (Kakua’s hand had a mangled stump, he claimed his wife’s father had bitten off his finger.)

“Being considerably intoxicated at the time, and owing to the pain I was suffering I became almost mad and laid hold of the first thing I could reach which was an axe, produced in court, and laid about me indiscriminately.”

“After a time I fell down and remember nothing more until I awoke at daylight on Friday the 4th instant when I saw my Father-in-law, Mother-in-law, my wife and child all dead.”

Those at the Inquest heard more from Dr. Klein Grant, who had examined the bodies of the victims. According to Grant, who described the condition of each corpse in detail, the wounds which brought death “were all inflicted by a heavy weapon such as the axe produced.” (Illerbrun)

After pleading not guilty to four counts of ‘wilful murder,’ Pete was tried on two counts, one heard on February 16, 1869, the other on February 17.  (Illerbrun)

“The jury, upon the first trial (murdering Que-en,) upon the testimony furnished, found the prisoner guilty of murder, and recommended him to mercy.”  (Henry Rhodes, Hawaiian Consulate, Victoria, May 18, 1869)

The mercy recommendation was made on the ground that “Kanakas (Hawaiians) are not Christians and killing men may not be such an offense in their eyes.”  (Illerbrun)

 He was then tried upon the second indictment (murdering Shil-at-ti-nord, Que-en’s mother,) and a verdict of guilty was rendered against him, without the recommendation of the first jury.”   (Henry Rhodes)

The “crime of passion” aspect of the case, though not clearly enunciated in Kakua’s own testimony, had apparently made no impact on the jurors, for Judge Needham had informed them that if Que-en was involved in “open adultery” Pete should not be found guilty of murder.  (Illerbrun)

The next day he was sentenced to be hanged “on a day to be henceforth designated by the Executive.”

The day after sentencing, Attorney General Crease wrote: “Although the murders were committed by the same person and at nearly the same time the facts the provocation and the law were different in their application to each individual case and were so stated by the Judge in his charges.”  (Illerbrun)

Henry Rhodes, Hawaiian Consulate, Victoria, noted, “I endeavored to get his sentence commuted, and for this purpose requested his Counsel to draw up a petition to the Governor praying for a commutation.”

“This petition (forwarded to the Colonial Secretary) was signed by a number of the members of the Legal profession and by a number of influential gentlemen of this city”.

“Taking all these matters into consideration, and the ignorance of the prisoner, and the uncertainty I feel as to the statement taken down by the magistrate, … I have no hesitancy in joining the prayer of the petitioners, and I sincerely hope, that taking these matters into consideration. His Excellency will find sufficient ground for exercising the prerogative of the Crown, and acceding to the prayer of the petition.” (Henry Rhodes)

Rhodes was later notified that “the Governor regrets that in this instance, he cannot interfere with, the course of the law, by acceding to the prayer of the petition.” (Hawaiian Gazette, July 7, 1869)

Peter Kakua (Kanaka Pete) was hanged at Nanaimo, “the scene of his fearful crimes,” at 7 am on the morning of March 10, 1869. “He ascended the scaffold unflinchingly, made no remarks, and struggled but slightly after the drop fell. His neck was evidently broken.”  (Illerbrun)

Being of neither Caucasian nor First Nations descent, Kakua could not be buried in any of the city’s cemeteries and was instead interred on his last place of freedom – the east side of Newcastle Island.

Unfortunately, Kakua was still not allowed to rest. Thirty years later, the Vancouver Coal Mining and Land Company unearthed Kakua’s coffin as they dug for a new coal mine. Kakua was reburied, in another unmarked grave, for good. (Nanaimo News Bulletin)

Today, the gory tale lives on in the form of ghost stories told around the fire by those camping on Newcastle Island.  (Nanaimo Daily News)  Many claim the most haunted area in the Pacific North West is Newcastle Island.

© 2024 Hoʻokuleana LLC

 

Filed Under: Place Names, Prominent People Tagged With: Hawaii, Kanaka, Vancouver Island, Kanaka Bay, Newcastle Island, Henry Rhodes, Peter Kakua, Kanaka Pete

November 21, 2024 by Peter T Young Leave a Comment

It’s Raining … Inside

The Koʻolaupoko moku (district) encompasses lands from Kualoa Point to Makapuʻu Point. Encompassing 43,598-acres (68-square miles,) Koʻolaupoko makes up approximately 11-percent of Oʻahu’s land mass.

The Koʻolau Mountain Range forms the inland (mauka) boundary of the district. The ridge elevation generally ranges from 2,500 to 2,800-feet; Kōnāhuanui, the tallest peak on the Koʻolau Mountain Range (3,150-feet) is found in Koʻolaupoko. (BWS)

Koʻolaupoko is the remnant of the Koʻolau volcano. Eruptions forming the mountains occurred approximately 2-million years ago and left lava flows that layered over each other.  Magma pouring out of fissures in the volcano solidified in the narrow cracks; the rock that is created is much denser and much less permeable than the surrounding porous lava flows.

These dense, usually vertical geological structures are known as volcanic dikes. These dikes form wall-like areas that can capture and contain water.

Trade winds, which blow over the Pacific from the northeast across the Hawaiian Islands, bring large quantities of moist air to the Koʻolau Range. When these winds are deflected up and over the range, the water vapor condenses into clouds and falls as rain.

The rainfall does one of three things: (1) it runs off, eroding the land, forming valleys and gouges in the mountain slopes (and also creates some spectacular periodic waterfalls;) (2) wets the land surface, shallow infiltration saturates the uppermost soil layer and replaces soil moisture used by plants and then is absorbed by the vegetation and/or evaporates (evapotranspiration;) or (3) it percolates into the ground (slowly sinks into the ground and becomes groundwater.)

For the latter, it takes about 9-months for the rain, now groundwater, to seep down through cracks and permeable materials in the mountain; much of the groundwater ends up contained in dikes inside the mountain.

As these dike compartments become filled with water and overflow the dike edges, sometimes the water emerges at the surface as springs or streams.

Dike water is good for drinking water.

Development of dike-impounded reservoirs for domestic water offers two basic benefits: (1) the water level is typically high (limiting pumping (as in energy to pump water up wells) and allowing gravity to distribute to the needs at lower elevations) and (2)  the reservoirs are isolated from saline water.

Groundwater impounded by dikes in the Koʻolau Range is a major source of water for the island of Oʻahu, and many tunnels have been bored into the range to develop it. (USGS)

The typical sequence of excavation of a high-altitude tunnel starts with the removal of a zone of weathered rocks, either by tunneling or trenching and is followed by penetration of dike intrusions in the basalt rock.

As tunneling advances farther and farther through the dikes and basalts, the contained dike water leaks and water flow increases, often in instantaneous jumps when key restraining dikes are punctured, until either a single dike, or a series of them, releases such a large volume of stored water that excavation must be halted.  (Mink; USGS)

When a tunnel is bored into a dike-water reservoir, if allowed to flow freely, it will drain water out of storage. Over the course of water exploration in this area, several dikes were struck.

The reduction of dike-confined groundwater storage caused by construction of eight tunnels in Oʻahu has been estimated at 25,800-Million gallons, equivalent, then, to the total ground-water withdrawal on Oʻahu for about 60 days.   (USGS)

Little consideration was given to the storage potential of dike compartments tapped and dewatered by water-development tunnels until a bulkhead was placed in a Waikāne tunnel of the Waiāhole system in 1934 to stop the draining and allow the dike to refill with water (about 40 years after high-altitude water-development tunnels were first constructed in Hawaiʻi.)

The bulkhead at Waikāne held back some water in storage, but not in sufficient volume to be considered successful. Use of the Waikāne bulkhead was discontinued, but other attempts at bulkheading were tried elsewhere, also without much success.

That changed on February 8, 1955.  A 12-foot dike 1,600 feet into the Waiheʻe tunnel was penetrated and water gushed out at an initial rate of about 2.5-mgd (million gallons per day.)   A bulkhead was built to contain the water.

The bulkhead held and the concept of inducing and controlling storage was resoundingly proved with the placement of the bulkhead in Waiheʻe tunnel.  The storage above the tunnel in Waiheʻe Valley has been estimated at 2,200-Million gallons.  (Mink; USGS)

In Koʻolaupoko, fresh water comes entirely from precipitation along the Koʻolau Mountain Range; Waiheʻe provides much of the drinking water to Windward Oʻahu, from Kahaluʻu to Kailua.

The Honolulu Board of Water Supply recently drilled an inclined well to tap dike-impounded water. This technique permitted the development of dike impounded water without the large initial and uncontrollable waste of stored water common to prior development by tunneling.

Dike tunnel systems are also at Waimānalo, Luluku, Haiku, Kahaluʻu, Pālolo, Mānoa and two Waianae tunnels, as well as in the Kohala region of the island of Hawaiʻi and in West Maui.

Oh, It’s Raining … Inside (?)

While the bulkhead holds the dike water, along the Waiheʻe tunnel into the Koʻolau, whatever the weather outside, rainwater (now groundwater) that missed the dike continues to make its downward percolation through the mountain, through cracks in the ceiling … producing a constant ‘rainfall’ for all in the darkness of the tunnel to the Waiheʻe bulkhead.

© 2024 Hoʻokuleana LLC

Filed Under: General, Place Names, Economy Tagged With: Hawaii, Oahu, Koolau, Koolaupoko, Waihee

November 20, 2024 by Peter T Young Leave a Comment

Battle of Kalaeʻiliʻili

In Europe, Great Britain defeated France in the Seven Years’ War (1756-1763,) becoming the dominant power in Europe, North America and India.  The war cost a lot of money; to raise funds Britain decided to levy taxes on the Colonies on the American continent.

For instance, the passed Quartering Act (required the colonies to provide barracks and supplies to British troops;) Stamp Act (taxed newspapers, almanacs, pamphlets, broadsides, legal documents, dice and playing cards;) Sugar Act (increased duties on non-British goods shipped to the colonies) and Currency Act (prohibited American colonies from issuing their own currency.)

This marked the beginning of Colonial opposition to the British (1765) and Colonists cried out against ‘taxation without representation.’

Turmoil was in the Islands, as well – some folks on Maui were also feeling that they were not being treated fairly; in addition, a power struggle was emerging.

Wailuku was considered a Royal Center (politically, ceremonially and geographically important during traditional times) with many of the chiefs and much of the area’s population residing near or within portions of ‘Īao Valley and lower Wailuku.  (FWS)

The period immediately preceding contact with the Europeans was one of considerable upheaval and conflict.  (FWS)

After the death of Kamehamehanui (the late king of Maui,, which happened about 1765, Nāmāhana (the widow queen of Kamehamehanui) married Keʻeaumoku.  (Fornander)

Nāmāhana’s brother, Kahekili, then became King of Maui, was displeased that Nāmāhana had taken Keʻeaumoku for her husband, and he became Keʻeaumoku’s enemy.

Nāmāhana and Keʻeaumoku lived at the large and fertile land of Waiheʻe.

Some people on Maui felt that the abundance of resources would have allowed all to be well fed; they felt they were not getting their share.

In particular, Kahanana (at the time, a lesser chief in Waiheʻe) was neglected by Keʻeaumoku and his court when the chief of Waiheʻe distributed fish, after fortunate catches, among the subordinates and warriors living on the land.  (Fornander)

Kalākaua writes that “Kahekili induced Kahanana … to embroil Keʻeaumoku in a difficulty with his own people.”

One evening Kahanana killed three of Keʻeaumoku’s men.  An insurrection arose and Kahekili, who was in the vicinity, took the side of Kahanana.

The resultant Battle of Kalaeʻiliʻili (c. 1765) was fought because the rich agricultural resources of the Waiheʻe River Valley and the offshore marine resources were being unevenly distributed by the chief Keʻeaumoku and other Molokai chiefs.

A general fight ensued between the Kahanana party, being supported by Kahekili, and Keʻeaumoku.  Keʻeaumoku and his chiefs maintained their ground for some days, but were eventually overmatched, beaten and obliged to flee.  (Fornander)

The Battle reportedly marked the beginning of Kahekili’s reign and Keʻeaumoku and the Molokai chiefs were driven out of Waiheʻe.

But the anger of Kahekili pursued the fugitives.  Invading Molokai, he engaged Keʻeaumoku and his Molokai allies in a sea-fight and Kahekili was again victorious. The naval engagement off Molokai is called the battle of “Kalauonakukui.”  (Fornander)

Keʻeaumoku fled to Hāna, where Mahihelelima, the governor under Kalaniʻōpuʻu, received him and his wife and entertained them at Kaʻuiki.  (Fornander)

At Kaʻuiki, Keʻeaumoku appears to have found a short repose in his turbulent career; he was not heard of again for some years. It is probable that he made his peace with Kalaniʻōpuʻu and was permitted to remain at Hāna.  (Fornander)

It was later, there at Kaʻuiki, Hāna, Maui, in about 1768, that Keʻeaumoku and his wife Nāmāhana had their first child, Kaʻahumanu, future and famous Queen of Kamehameha the Great.

Again, several years pass by with Kalaniʻōpuʻu still holding portions of the Hāna district on Maui and the great fort of Kaʻuiki; but about the year 1775, the war between Hawaiʻi and Maui broke out again.  (Fornander)

Kahekili successfully defended his capital in Wailuku throughout the 1770s, until his defeat at the hands of Kamehameha’s forces.  (FWS)  (Kamehameha went on to conquer the Islands of Hawaiʻi, Maui Nui and Oʻahu by 1795 (defeating Kalanikūpule, Kahekili’s son) and ultimately ruled the island chain in 1810.)

Back on the continent, the discontent between the Colonists and the British Crown led to the American boycott of taxed British tea and the Boston Tea Party in 1773, and ultimately the American Revolutionary War (1775–1783) and then the War of 1812.

© 2024 Hoʻokuleana LLC

Filed Under: Place Names, Ali'i / Chiefs / Governance Tagged With: Namahana, Kahanana, Hawaii, Waihee, Maui, Kahekili, Kaahumanu, Wailuku, Kalaniopuu, Hana, Kauiki, Keeaumoku

November 19, 2024 by Peter T Young Leave a Comment

Kaʻōhao

Kaʻōhao (the tying) is an ʻili in the Kailua ahupuaʻa in the Koʻolaupoko Moku on windward Oʻahu.  Its name relates to when two women were tied together here with a loincloth after being beaten in a kōnane game.  (Ulukau)  The place where this act took place was given the name of Kaʻōhao and it so remains to this day.  (Fornander)

Hāuna, kahu to high chief Lonoikamakahiki of Hawai‘i Island, saw that two women were beating their husbands in a game of kōnane.  He offered to play the women and wagered a bet.  The women said to Hāuna: “We have nothing to offer on our side excepting ourselves. If you beat us in this present unfinished game you can take us as your property.”

Hāuna then said: “I have two double canoes filled with things that are valuable; the chief articles of value on the canoes, however, are a large number of feather cloaks. If you two beat me, you two shall have the goods in the canoes together with the men on board.” The women replied: “It is a bet.”

After the women were beaten at the game, he tied them together and led them to his canoes where he said to one of them:
“This canoe shall be yours with everything in it from stem to stem, including the men.  The men shall be your servants; they are not for you to sleep with. And as he had spoken to her, so in like manner he spoke to the second woman. He then left the women and proceeded to meet Lonoikamakahiki.  (Fornander)

The Hawaiians used the mountain tops between Alāla Point and Wailea Point to scan the sea for fish.  Some maps and other references note the area as Alaʻapapa and Mokulua.

In 1920, a bridge was constructed across Kaʻelepulu Stream, giving better access to the area.  Before this time, the Windward side was relatively remote.  However, in 1921, the Old Pali Road was widened and paved; this helped to initiate the suburban commute across the Koʻolau.

Shortly after (1924,) Harold Kainalu Long Castle sold land to developer Charles Russell Frazier (the head of Town and Country Homes, Ltd., which was the real estate division of the Trent Trust Co.)  Frazier (primarily a marketing man, but was also developer and chief promoter,) planned the place as a resort community of summer and vacation homes.

In the 1920s, reference to the area changed, when Frazier and Richard H Trent made up the name “Lanikai” as a marketing ploy to entice wealthy buyers looking for a vacation home at the development that was references as the “Crescent of Content”.

In naming it Lanikai they believed it translated ‘heavenly sea;’ however, they used the English word order.  In Hawaiian the qualifier commonly follows the noun, hence Lani-kai means ‘sea heaven,’ ‘marine heavenʻ.  (Ulukau)

They laid out the subdivision and the first permanent homes in the area were constructed in 1924. Development began at the northern end of the neighborhood and moved further south along the beach.

The original lots along Mokulua Drive were numbered #1 through #39, from north to south with lots approximately 75-feet in width by 250-feet in depth, and about 18,000-square feet in area.

Beachfront properties were originally sold at an extremely low price, 20-cents per square foot, because of the lack of a windbreak.

The area was initially considered a remote country location for weekend getaways or vacations at the beach for swimming, fishing, boating and hiking.

The company’s many newspaper advertisements, which encouraged Honolulu residents to escape from the city to enjoy the recreational opportunities offered by a beach home.

These ads promoted Lanikai as a tranquil place in the country, where a “beach, protected by a reef and favored by landward breezes, is always safe for bathing.” A full-page ad, titled “Lanikai Futuregraph,” placed by Trent Trust featured their vision of the future Lanikai.

There was a row of rectangular-shaped beach-front lots, bordered by the ocean on one end and the road on the other, with homes sited near the ocean and large lawns fronting the road. The first lots sold were those along the beach and the inland lots were sold later.

The construction of the Lanikai streets was completed by October 1925. Included in the deeds for the Lanikai subdivision were restrictions that remained in effect until 1950, against building within 18-feet of the property boundary line along the street or using the property for anything other than residences.

At about the same time, Frazier leased a couple-hundred acres of neighboring land from Bishop Estate.  He persuaded sixty-five men, many of whom were purchasing his lots and cottages at Lanikai, to commit to a country club project.

Before the golf course or clubhouse was even built, the Kailua Country Club (the name quickly changed to Mid-Pacific Country Club – MPCC) was heralded in the local newspaper as a “Mecca (for) tired businessmen who seek surcease from worldly cares in the surroundings of nature.” When MPCC was founded, only two eighteen-hole courses existed on the island of Oʻahu.  (mpcchi)

In 1926, the development doubled in size and Frazier added the now-iconic monument at the entrance to the development.

It was designed by the famed local architect Hart Wood.  (Wood, known for residential and commercial structures (including Alexander & Baldwin Building and Honolulu Hale,) designed the also-iconic “Hawaiian” double-hipped roof pattern and “lanai” or broad roofed-in patio with open sides.)

For decades, beach houses in Lanikai were mainly used as a retreat from Honolulu; however, in the 1950s, the area began to develop into a more suburban residential area. Many beach houses and beach retreats were replaced by houses more suited for daily living.  (The Pali Highway and its tunnels opened in 1959; that helped spark the change.)

Lanikai Beach had a white sandy beach approximately one mile long (about half of this has disappeared over the years due to erosion along the shore.)

© 2024 Hoʻokuleana LLC

Filed Under: Place Names Tagged With: Hawaii, Oahu, Kailua, Lanikai, Harold Castle, Mid-Pacific Country Club, Koolaupoko, Mokulua, Kaohao

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