Economy | Page 196 | Images of Old Hawaiʻi

November 28, 2016 by Peter T Young Leave a Comment

Waiākea Experiment

Toward the end of WWI a unique opportunity presented itself for a major homesteading experiment in Hawai‘i. A number of the long-term, thirty-year leases written during the closing years of King Kalākaua’s reign (1874-1891) were due to expire.

In anticipation of the expiration of these leases, and in keeping with the public land policies of President Wilson’s administration, preparations were undertaken for a large-scale homesteading experiment.

On June 1, 1918, shortly after Governor McCarthy took office, a lease of public land held by the Waiākea Mill Company on 7,261 acres of sugar cane land expired.

The Waiākea plantation had been one of the most profitable sugar corporations in the Islands from its inception until 1918, and there was every promise that homesteading could be successfully undertaken on a portion of the plantation’s land.

In March, 1919, and subsequently in February, 1921, a total of 216 lots in the Waiākea homestead tract were carved out of the plantation’s acreage and were conveyed to individuals under the terms of special homestead agreements.

These lots incorporated an area of 7,261 acres, of which approximately 6,300 acres, or 88 per cent, consisted of cane land. The balance of the acreage was a mixture of various kinds of land, some of which was suitable for other agricultural pursuits. The total appraised value of the land was more than half a million dollars. (LRB)

Applications for homestead lots in the Waiākea tract numbered over 2,000, far more than the number of lots available. To meet this problem, it was determined the homesteads would be awarded by a lottery …”

However, “without reference to whether the prospective homesteaders had any experience in farming, or any of the other qualifications that might have contributed to successful homesteading.”

“Nor did the territorial government plan to assist the homesteaders by providing trained agricultural agents, such as the county extension agents found on the mainland United States; neither did it assist the homesteaders with adequate roads or marketing facilities.”

“In short, virtually nothing was done to create conditions that would contribute to the success of this unique experiment in homesteading.”

“The inevitable outcome, of course, was that the Waiākea homesteading project was an immediate and overwhelming failure.”

“The majority of the Waiākea homesteaders’, unlike its pioneer American prototype, had no intention of tilling the soil. The recollection still lingers in many minds of “Waiākea No.1.” His intentions have been of the best but his agricultural background and qualifications were woefully lacking.”

“Forty percent of these homesteaders forfeited their land through failure to make their payments when due or for other breach of covenant.”

“Sixty percent, either directly or through their successors in interest, were strong enough, many as a result of legislative relief measures, to hold their lots and secure patents.”

“But forfeited or not, we find today nearly ninety percent of the original cane land again in the hands of Waiākea Mill Co. (5537 acres) for the production of sugar, partly as a result of direct leases with the Territory of forfeited lots and partly by direct lease agreements with the owners of the patented lots or lots still held for patent.” (LRB)

“What is considered by the territorial government and the Waiākea Mill Co. to be the only logical solution, under existing conditions, of the acute Waiākea homestead problem, was reached at a conference with Governor Wallace R. Farrington …”

“The Waiākea Mill Co. has agreed to take over the cultivation of the entire area of the Second Series Homesteads of the Waiākea tract, and to cancel all existing contracts with those homesteaders who desire to enter into the new agreement as now proposed.”

“Taking over of the homestead lands by the mill company will relieve the homesteaders of all responsibility with regard to cultivation, fertilization, harvesting, hauling, milling and care of stools.” (Louisiana Planter, 1922)

“The short-term results of the Waiākea experiment, then, were the ruin of many homesteaders, temporary disruption of the efficient functioning of a great and prosperous plantation, which suffered continued, substantial, financial losses until it was able to recapture most of its lost land, and a permanent loss of tax revenue to the territorial government.”

“In an effort to persuade him to resign as governor before the end of his term, some business leaders offered McCarthy an attractive position as general manager of the Hawaiian Dredging Company, even as others fulminated against his policies. He accepted the position, and Wallace Rider Farrington, a Republican, was appointed to succeed him as governor in 1921.” (LRB)

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Waiakea Experiment

November 22, 2016 by Peter T Young Leave a Comment

Timeline Tuesday … 1810s

Today’s ‘Timeline Tuesday’ takes us through the 1810s – Kamehameha and Kaumualiʻi negotiations, death of Kamehameha and the fall of the Kapu. We look at what was happening in Hawai‘i during this time period and what else was happening around the rest of the world.

A Comparative Timeline illustrates the events with images and short phrases. This helps us to get a better context on what was happening in Hawai‘i versus the rest of the world. I prepared these a few years ago for a planning project. (Ultimately, they never got used for the project, but I thought they might be on interest to others.)

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timeline-1810s

November 19, 2016 by Peter T Young 2 Comments

Not Completely Settled

At the time of discovery by Captain James Cook, the Hawaiian Islands were not completely settled. Only the best of the arable land, capable of cultivation by the gardening methods practiced, was actually utilized.

This was probably because the Hawaiians had been in these islands since between approximately AD 1000 and 1200 (Kirch,) and their agricultural development and the expansion of population were constantly interfered with by the feuding of the ali‘i.

Had it not been for European intrusion in the late 18th century and the consequent decline of the subsistence economy and rapid dwindling of the number of Hawaiians, it is reasonable to assume that there would gradually have come about, over a period of centuries, a considerable expansion of land utilization and of population.

If the same ingenuity shown in building aqueducts in Waimea Valley and Kalalau on Kauai had been applied to many other stream systems throughout the islands, a great deal more wet taro could have been cultivated by terracing more land on the lower slopes of the hills bordering the valleys.

For example, there is much relatively level land in Wailua on Kauai to which water could have been brought by means of aqueducts tapping the ample flow of the Wailua River … the same is true of a number of other localities on the leeward side of this island, which is more plentifully supplied with abundant water than any of the other islands.

On Oahu, if aqueducts and hillside terracing comparable to that in Kalalau on Kauai had been employed, the interior and slopes of most of the larger taro valleys could have been converted into lo‘i.

In Mānoa and Nu‘uanu, for example, it was only the relatively level areas that were terraced. This was true equally of the stream systems of the windward coast of Oahu and of West Maui.

It becomes apparent that for the most part loci were built only where water was easily accessible, where the main stream could be tapped without recourse to anything other than simple ditching.

A little more ingenuity and labor, instigated by pressure of population such as existed in the isolated valleys of Kalalau on Kauai and Wailua Nui on East Maui, would have induced or compelled the people to develop considerably more land for irrigated taro.

Most of the extensive systems of lo‘i must have been planned with a view to developing an overall system rather than allowing the system to grow piecemeal, because the ditching had to be so patterned as to bring fresh water direct to every lo’i so planned.

It is not improbable that there was an era following colonization of Hawaii when the lo’i systems, ditches, aqueducts, and fishponds were developed, after which the utilization and maintenance of these became a matter of routine under surveillance of konohiki, or supervisors for the aliʻi landlords.

After the early epoch of massive enterprise and the terracing of the best lands for irrigation, the constant strife between rival aliʻi and the system of transferring title to lands at the accession of every new high chief would certainly have served as a deterrent to further pioneering.

There seems to have been more initiative in the creation of irrigation systems on Kauai than on any other island. This was probably because of the large stream systems there and the depth of the valleys, and probably also because of the island’s relative isolation which discouraged invasion by chieftains from neighboring islands.

If ingenuity and technology of Hawaiians on Kauai enabled them to build aqueducts, such as those described at Waimea and on the Koaie stream, and to terrace the steep sides of Kalalau Valley, the people of the other islands must have been capable of similar achievements.

But there are no elevated stone aqueducts, and no terraced valley sides on Oahu, on Maui, on Molokai, or on Hawaii. Waialua on Oahu has a river whose waters could have been used to develop very large areas of lo’i, but there were here no such developed areas.

In many valleys with large streams (Waimea, Kāne’ohe, Nuʻuanu, Kalihi) there might well have been much greater utilization of available water and land on Oahu. The same is true of both West and East Maui, of Molokai, and of windward Hawai‘i.

One factor of prime importance affecting the development of plantation areas was propinquity to good fishing grounds. Such land areas as were intensively developed were always in localities where good fishing grounds were easily accessible.

It may be said therefore that as a general principle Hawaiians developed their land resources only where they lay not too far distant from good fishing grounds which would give them their needed protein food. Hogs and dogs were luxuries enjoyed by the aliʻi, rarely by country folk.

It was only in Kāʻu and Kona on the island of Hawaii that upland plantations were systematically developed to a great degree. The reason may have been that the shores and offshore waters offered such rich opportunity for fishing that plantations were extended far into the upland.

The Puna, Hilo, Hāmākua and Kohala Districts might well have developed more extensive areas of mulched taro, but the fishing grounds were not as rich; and hence, perhaps, there were fewer families to farm the uplands.

On Kauai and O‘ahu sweet potatoes were planted only as a supplement to taro, along the coastal zone where there was sandy or rather dry soil not suitable for taro. Yet there were very extensive areas which, it would seem, might have been utilized for sweet potatoes if there had been sufficient pressure of population to demand it.

This applies to much of the kula land which has since been planted in pineapple and sugar cane, from Kalihi to Hanapepe on Kauai. On Oahu, it applies particularly to the hills between the mountains and the sea in the Kāne’ohe area, and to the level lands now planted in pineapples and sugar cane between the Koʻolau and Waiʻanae ranges.

On Maui the same is true of much of the kula land now or recently utilized for pineapples or cane on the east, north, and south slopes of West Mau, and from Makawao to Waipi‘o on the west and northern slopes of Haleakala on East Maui. On Molokai, homesteaders at Ho‘olehua, on land not planted in ancient times, were growing sweet potatoes with great success.

On the island of Hawai‘i the population was quite sparse in many areas of the Hāmākua coast, Waimea, and Kohala, which were ideally suited to sweet-potato cultivation. In the vicinity of Honokaʻa and Kalaupapa on the Hāmākua coast, flourishing sweet-potato patches have been seen in localities where forest formerly stood.

Most of the land that was planted in sugar cane (in modern times) could have been used for mulched taro or sweet potatoes, but that would have involved the clearing of the ancient candlenut forest, a type of operation which Hawaiians rarely undertook with their stone adzes. This type of forest cannot be cleared by burning over.

Breadfruit was extensively planted only in upper Wailua on Kauai and in Kona and Puna on Hawai‘i. Yet on every island this food, could have been grown in quantity. Lack of pressure of population and a preference for taro, and next to that for sweet potato, were doubtless responsible for the neglect of breadfruit.

Modern plantations of banana on areas of O‘ahu formerly neglected by Hawaiians show how this food could have been grown in quantity. For Hawaiians it was a subsidiary item, like sugar cane, which was casually planted on the banks between lo‘i and the rocky borders of upland plantations.

The neglect of the banana as a perennial food producer is one of the indications that the islands were by no means completely settled.

Coconut trees flourished in many isolated localities on Kauai, O‘ahu, Maui and Hawai‘i. Yet the coconut was not systematically planted, and there were only two varieties in contrast to the great number of varieties in the southern islands. The nut, which in three stages of growth is a valuable food, was eaten hardly at all.

Candlenut oil was preferred to that of the coconut as a condiment. The leaves were little used for thatch or baskets. The shells were rarely used for cups. Possibly the coconut was a late comer in the island economy. (All of the information above is from Handy.)

The Nature Conservancy and Office of Hawaiian Affairs collaborated on a mapping project that identified ecological regions and the pre- and post-contact ‘Hawaiian Footprint.’ (Footprint notes the geospatial areas that were chronically occupied, directly manipulated and significantly changed from pre-existing Hawaiian ecosystem types into traditional Hawaiian uses.)

In ecological terms, a ‘footprint’ can be defined as a measure of human demand on ecosystems of any given area. It represents the estimated geographic area required to both supply the resources that are consumed by a population as well as assimilate the associated wastes that are produced by the production and consumption of those resources. (ESRI)

The map here, as well as those in the attached album, shows the estimated pre-contact settlement and use by the native Hawaiians.

The Native Hawaiian Footprint of the main Hawaiian Islands is estimated to be approximately 382,000 acres or about 9.3-percent of the main Hawaiian Islands. The pre-contact footprint is remarkably smaller than the present-day footprint of approximately 2.1-million acres or over 52-percent of the main Hawaiian Islands.

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Pre-contact Footprint-Hawaiian Islands-GoogleEarth-OHA-TNC

Pre-contact Footprint-Kauai-Niihau-GoogleEarth-OHA-TNC

Pre-contact Footprint-Oahu-GoogleEarth-OHA-TNC

Pre-contact Footprint-Maui Nui-GoogleEarth-OHA-TNC

Pre-contact Footprint-Hawaii Island-GoogleEarth-OHA-TNC

Pre-contact Footprint-Eco-systems-Oahu-GoogleEarth-OHA-TNC

Pre-contact Footprint-Eco-systems-Hawaiian Islands-GoogleEarth-OHA-TNC

Pre-contact Footprint-Eco-systems-Kauai-Niihau-GoogleEarth-OHA-TNC

Pre-contact Footprint-Eco-systems-Maui Nui-GoogleEarth-OHA-TNC

Pre-contact Footprint-Eco-systems-Hawaii Island-GoogleEarth-OHA-TNC

November 18, 2016 by Peter T Young Leave a Comment

Facility 161

Facility (or building) numbers on military bases are generally assigned during the building planning process. It’s not like an address; the numbers are typically assigned chronologically to buildings as they are built on the base, location doesn’t determine the number.

Facility 161 is located at Pearl Harbor and is classified as a Recreation and Morale facility. It was originally comprised of three main components that were all classified as permanent uses.

It is a uniquely designed building, a sunken amphitheater with recreation facilities in an attached section (originally a portion of which was open-air) that is flanked by two elongated wings. This design utilizes natural ventilation and lighting. There is no other facility in Hawai‘i that shares this same design.

It included the arena, a recreation building (two bowling alley wings topped by a smaller second floor billiard and game room), and a dance floor. The second floor of the recreation building is the only portion of the complex constructed of wood. (Mason; Navy)

The octagonal arena is joined to a long, narrow rectangular structure that was home to two bowling alleys and was connected to an open-sided, nearly circular dance hall.

Although the period of the 1930s saw decreasing expenditures for recreation services for the Pacific fleet, during the final years of that decade “the growth of service and civilian personnel led to the realization that more recreation facilities were needed on base.” (HABS)

Prior to World War II, because Pearl Harbor was still a relatively small naval establishment, minimal funding was allocated for recreational facilities. Personnel were expected to use civilian recreational facilities as well as those at Pearl Harbor.

As late as 1938 the only recreation center at the Navy Yard was a YMCA that showed movies and offered classes to enlisted personnel.

Because of the pre-WW II build-up of permanent facilities at Pearl Harbor, as well as visiting ships bringing large numbers of sailors who needed recreational facilities rather than accommodations, Facility 161 was intended for use by both groups.

After the US entered the war, recreation was recognized as a vital outlet for Navy personnel. The purpose of recreation programs and facilities was to “contribute in some way towards maintaining the fighting spirit of the officers and men who man the ships of the Pacific Fleet.”

Once the war ended, multitudes of men waiting to be discharged relied on recreational facilities to pass their free hours.

According to the original seating plan, there were 6,000 seats for boxing events – 5,000 seats in the bleachers and 1,000 seats ring side (on the main floor.)

The boxing ring was assembled in the center of the main floor, surrounded by seating. Seating was listed as 4,000 for motion pictures – 3,000 in the bleachers and 1,000 in the reserved area on the main floor.

It was the ‘largest single expenditure [$175,000]’ in the 1940 housing and recreation center expansion project of 1940. Other facilities at the time included Hale Moku and Makalapa housing, and Richardson Recreation Center on the Aiea waterfront.

Construction on the project began in October 1940 and the facility was completed in August 1941. (HABS) In 1948, ʻōhiʻa flooring was installed in the arena.

Facility 161’s bowling alleys have been replaced with miscellaneous functions including small offices, and the original dance floor has been enclosed and significantly altered.

The facility is commonly called Bloch Arena, named for Claude Charles Bloch; he was born on July 13, 1878 in Woodbury, Kentucky, graduated from the Naval Academy in 1899 and commissioned in 1901.

He became Admiral in January 1937 and was Commander of Battle Force 1937-1938, Commander in Chief of US Fleet 1938-1940 and Commandant of Eleventh Naval District 1940-1942.

He retired in August 1942 and was recalled to active duty on the General Board in World War II; his decorations included the Navy Cross. Bloch died on October 4, 1967.

On March 25, 1961 Elvis performed a benefit concert at Bloch Arena as a fundraiser to build the Arizona Memorial. That event raised $54,678.73, more than ten percent of the $515,728 cost of constructing the memorial.

Appearing along with Elvis were; Minnie Pearl, The Jordanaires, and DJ Fontana and Scotty Moore, two members of Elvis’ original backing band. Sterling Mossman, a local Hawaiian comedian, also served as master of ceremonies and performed.

The event was the times “biggest single gate in the history of show business in Hawaii.” Bloch Arena has been venue to a number of other events and activities.

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Block Arena-Interior of arena, with stage on right-LOC

Block Arena-as seen from parking-entrance-LOC

Block Arena-nterior of arena, showing roof structure over seating area-LOC

Block Arena-Interior of arena, showing roof structure over court area-LOC

Block Arena-as seen from parking area in rear-LOC

Block Arena-arena portion, showing exit gate and clerestory-LOC

Claude Charles Bloch

Block Arena-USO NBA ‘Hoops For Troops’

Elvis at Bloch Arena Poster March 25, 1961

Elvis at Bloch Arena March 25, 1961

Bloch Arena-GoogleEarth

November 17, 2016 by Peter T Young Leave a Comment

19th Hole

A standard round of golf has only eighteen holes. The 19th hole is a code term typically for a pub, bar or restaurant on or near the golf course, very often the clubhouse itself. Golfer will say they are at the ‘19th hole,’ meaning they are getting a drink after the round.

The Volcano House was advertising golf at “the sporty nine-hole golf course nearby with earthquake cracks for hazards.” (Thrum 1925)

“A golf course has been constructed near the rim of the crater of the vulcano Kilauea on Hawaii Island (in 1921,) which is comparatively flat on top. The course is claimed to be an ideal one and although there are lava holes here and there, these have been wired over so that balls will not be lost.”

“Now and then a golfer will be standing near one of these vents when a lot of lazy steam will come up through it, but Kilauea volcano is well tamed and golfers need not worry …”

“… unless they happen to be of the strong arm variety and shoot the ball to the 19th hole, which is the crater of Halemaʻumaʻu itself. Then it’s flowers for that particular ball and scores will not count.” (Golfers Magazine, December 1922)

“The nineteenth hole of Kilauea golf course at Hilo, Hawai‘i, provides the worst golfer in the world a chance to record his hole-in-one. It is the Halemaʻumaʻu fire-pit of Kilauea volcano and is half a mile wide and 1200 feet deep.” (Bismarck Tribune, February 27, 1931)

The Hawai‘i National Park was created by Act of Congress in 1916, and was formally received and dedicated as such in July, 1921. (NPS)

“It is the Halemaʻumaʻu firepit of the Kilauea crater in the Hawai‘i National Park on this (the largest) island in the Hawaiian archipelago. “Mammoth golf was played from the brink of the huge firepit long before the advent of the baby courses (miniature golf.)”

“Golfer, good, bad or indifferent, who play on this course are assured of making a hole in one, as the giant 19th offers a target that cannot be missed.”

“Tourist guides and chauffeurs act as caddies, supplying a golf stick and ball. Certificates are issued to travelers who make the shot, attesting that they have made ‘world’s greatest hole in one.”

“Because it can be played the year round, golf is a popular sport in Hawaii. There are twenty courses on the four principal islands. This Island (Hawai‘i) has seven courses; on Maui there are four; Kauai island has two; and on Oahu (the island on which Honolulu is located) there are seven courses.” (Prescott Evening Courier, November 27, 1930)

“The Secretary of the Interior, Hubert Work, Director Mather, and Governor Wallace R Farrington, who took a keen interest in the park, all took part in the dedication of the first park museum.”

“After dedicating the building, the Secretary exploded the charge of powder that initiated work on the triangle portal of the Chain of Craters Road. And after that, he became the first unofficial member of the “World’s Greatest Hole-in-One Club” by driving a golf ball into Halemaʻumaʻu.”

Hui O Pele (Society of Pele) was organized in 1923 at the suggestion of Charles C Moore, President of the San Francisco Pan Pacific International Exposition.

“Moore visited the Land of Pele the year before and was so impressed by the volcanic phenomena, the Pele legends and other features (in the area.”

“He suggested the formation of an organization that would perpetuate the name and tradition of the volcano goddess through the grant of membership certificates to persons who visited Pele’s fiery home.”

“Moore contributed $100 to begin the organization, and through the interest of various Honolulans it was formed the next year.”

“All of the organization’s funds are derived through the sale of one dollar membership certificates and subscribed to the park for the improvement of visitors’ facilities.” “(I)ts first donation for park improvements in 1927, and the existing shelter at the beginning of the trail into the Thurston Lava Tube was constructed with it the same year.” (Hawaii Nature Notes, November 1953)

Hitting golf balls into the crater was a popular stunt for park visitors. After the first tee collapsed into the Caldera, (Hui O Pele member LW) de Vis Norton strongly opposed the re-establishment of a new site. He pointed out the sacredness of the area to the Native Hawaiian people when he wrote:

“Most of the Hawaiians have a sincere reverence for Halemaʻumaʻu. To them the place is sacred – and they regard the stunt of pluggin golf balls into Pele’s abode much as you would view a game of craps played on the grave of the Unknown Soldier at Arlington.”

“To me, it is sacrilege of the worst kind and I sympathize sincerely with their inner feeling that white men should at least respect their age-old beliefs.”

“You can do a lot of good by saying a good word for the Hawaiians now and again. After all, it was their country until we grabbed it, and while they parforce, must accept the situation – they are very ready to appreciate a friendly feeling among those who now rule over them, and respond with real affection to any evidence of love for their race.” (Nakamura)

The fad continued for a number of years, but later stopped. Today, Hawai‘i has Hawaii has 108 golf courses to choose from (including the now 18-hole course at Volcano.) (golflink) (Lots of information here is from NPS and Nakamura.)

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