Sailing, Shipping & Shipwrecks | Images of Old Hawaiʻi

May 22, 2018 by Peter T Young Leave a Comment

500,000 Feathers

In the dawn hours of January 18, 1778, on his third expedition, British explorer Captain James Cook on the HMS Resolution and Captain Charles Clerke of the HMS Discovery first sighted what Cook named the Sandwich Islands (that were later named the Hawaiian Islands.)

Cook continued to sail along the coast searching for a suitable anchorage. His two ships remained offshore, but a few Hawaiians were allowed to come on board on the morning of January 20, before Cook continued on in search of a safe harbor.

On the afternoon of January 20, 1778, Cook anchored his ships near the mouth of the Waimea River on Kauai’s southwestern shore. After a couple of weeks, there, they headed to the west coast of North America.

After the West Coast, Alaska and Bering Strait exploration, on October 24, 1778 the two ships headed back to the islands; they sighted Maui on November 26, circled the Island of Hawaiʻi and eventually anchored at Kealakekua Bay on January 17, 1779.

At the time, the Hawaiian Islands were divided into four kingdoms: (1) the island of Hawaiʻi under the rule of Kalaniʻōpuʻu, who also had possession of the Hāna district of east Maui; (2) Maui (except the Hāna district,) Molokai, Lānaʻi and Kahoʻolawe, ruled by Kahekili; (3) Oʻahu, under the rule of Kahahana; and (4) Kauai and Niʻihau, Kamakahelei was ruler.

Kalaniʻōpuʻu was on the island of Maui. Kalaniʻōpuʻu returned to Hawaiʻi and met with Cook on January 26, 1779, exchanging gifts, including an ʻahuʻula (feathered cloak) and mahiole (ceremonial feather helmet.) Cook also received pieces of kapa, feathers, hogs and vegetables.

In return, Cook gave Kalaniʻōpuʻu a linen shirt and a sword; later on, Cook gave other presents to Kalaniʻōpuʻu, among which one of the journals mentions “a complete Tool Chest.”

“For Native Hawaiians, the ʻahuʻula, mahiole, and all other featherwork were reserved exclusively for the use of their ali‘i (royalty), symbolizing their chiefly divinity, rank and power.”

“It embodied the life essence of a thriving abundant environment which are the telltale signs of leadership, as it takes a healthy forest ecosystem to produce enough bird feathers and cordage to make these regal pieces.” (OHA)

The construction of featherwork in ancient Hawai‘i required an incredible amount of labor and craftsmanship. The ‘ahu‘ula of Kalaniʻōpuʻu has 500,000 feathers (lashed one-by-one) from about 20,000 birds.

“Skilled trappers caught the birds by employing various techniques such as snaring their prey midair with nets, or using decoy birds to lure them onto branches coated with a sticky substance.”

“They often harvested only a few feathers from each bird before releasing them back into the wild so they could produce more feathers. Skilled workers belonging to the aliʻi class crafted the olonā cordage backing, a netting used as the foundation for the cloak, onto which the bundles of feathers were attached, creating bold designs.”

“After the ‘ahu‘ula and mahiole left on Cook’s ship, both were taken to England and passed through the hands of various museum owners and collectors.”

“They eventually came under the care of the Lord St Oswald, who unexpectedly presented his entire collection in 1912 to the Dominion Museum in New Zealand, the predecessor of Te Papa Tongarewa. The cloak and helmet have been in the national collection ever since.”

“In 2013, discussions began among the Bishop Museum, Te Papa Tongarewa, and OHA to bring these treasures back to Hawai‘i, culminating in this significant homecoming.” (OHA)

In a partnership between the Office of Hawaiian Affairs (OHA), The National Museum of New Zealand Te Papa Tongarewa, and Bernice Pauahi Bishop Museum, the ‘ahu‘ula and mahiole of Kalani‘ōpu‘u came back in March 2016 and are displayed at Bishop Museum on long-term loan.

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May 20, 2018 by Peter T Young Leave a Comment

Tetautua

“The voyage of the Tetautua is as remarkable as that of the Japanese junk which came ashore here in the early fifties or sixties. The Islands are the dumping ground of all kinds of ocean flotsam and jetsam.”

Early in the year 1898 the clipper schooner Tetautua was lost to its bearings about a week out of Papeete, Tahiti, and eighty-two days from the beginning of the voyage arrived May 21, 1898 at the port of Ho‘okena, Hawai‘i. (HHS)

“She had sailed from Tahiti for Penrhyn Island (also called Tongareva, Mangarongaro, Hararanga and Te Pitaka), but, a short time after her departure, a terrific storm broke, before which she was driven for several hours.”

“In this gale the compass was lost, and the crew, unable to navigate the small vessel, insufficiently supplied for a voyage of any length, decided merely to go with wind and tide. The amazing fact is that the schooner is not drifting yet.”

“For forty-two days the crew had no water except what could be caught in sails, and at times suffered severely from thirst.” (Farrell, Pacific Marine Review, December 1920)

“Said (Sheriff) Lazaro: ‘The Tetautua arrived in Ho‘okena (on the Island of Hawai‘i) on May 21st. There was an abundance of food such as flour and rice aboard but no firewood with which to cook it.”

“As to water, it happened that three days before sighting Hawaii, they were blessed with a shower which gave them about three gallons. Previous to this they had suffered for many days from thirst. When the schooner arrived at Ho‘okena the people aboard were in a pitiable state.’”

“‘I furnished them with all the necessaries in the line of eatables and they were made very comfortable.’”

“‘When the Tahitians began to look about them they expressed great wonder at various objects unknown in their native land. Never did they once complain about their ill luck; a more affable set of people I have never met. They are graceful in the extreme and were thankful for the favors done them.’”

“‘The Tahitian language is so very similar to the Hawaiian, that it was not long before I could understand them as well as people of my own race.’”

“‘They do not pronounce their words in a very distinct manner but seem to depend on the sound and force placed on the various syllables for the meaning which they wish to convey.’”

“‘When they first came ashore they shouted ‘Tanotapu,’ one of the islands, near their home. When they spied some of us on horseback they shook their heads signifying a mistake and called our animals ‘pua-a hele honua’ which means pigs that travel over the earth.’”

“‘We told them they had landed in Hawai‘i. This word they could not say but persisted in calling it ‘Pahi.’”

“‘The sympathy of the people of Ho‘okena was with the castaway Tahitians from the moment they landed. They were to have been given a big luau on Tuesday but it was necessary for the vessel to make Honolulu so there was a regular hookupu and all the eatables were sent aboard.’” (Pacific Commercial Advertiser, May 27, 1898)

“There were eight Tahitians aboard the Tetautua when she arrived at Honolulu, and one Frenchman had quit her at Ho‘okena and preceded her to Honolulu”. (Farrell, Pacific Marine Review, December 1920)

“‘On Sunday night the captain of the vessel gave a short and interesting talk in the church, telling of the voyage and of some of the customs and laws of his country.’”

“‘Upon arrival off port on Wednesday night, the Tahitians threw up their hands and shouted ‘Honolulu’ as if they were arriving back in their own home.’”

“Deputy Sheriff Lazaro will return to his home on the Mauna Loa today. He is an old sailor and, on that account was entrusted with the mission of piloting the Tetautua to this port.” (Pacific Commercial Advertiser, May 27, 1898)

“The British schooner Tetautua which drifted in towards the Kau coast some time ago, sailed for her home in Tahiti yesterday morning. She was sent back in charge of Captain Cook, an old sea captain, well acquainted with the Islands of the South Pacific.” (Hawaiian Gazette, June 10, 1898)

“From (Captain John Cook) a Honolulu gentleman received the following letter by the Moana: Tahite, City of Papeete, July 18, 1898 …”

“‘Friend Charley: Arrived here safe and sound, after a passage of thirty-eight days. We stopped at Hoaheine Island one day to get provisions, and reached this place last night. Mail steamer leaves at 9 this morning. Do not know yet what I will no. Give my aloha to all my friends. Yours truly, John W Cook.’” (Pacific Commercial Advertiser, August 22, 1898)

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May 2, 2018 by Peter T Young 1 Comment

Spanish Galleons

“On May 3, 1493, Pope Alexander VI, to prevent future disputes between Spain and Portugal, divided the world by a north-south line (longitude) 100 leagues (300 miles) west of the Cape Verde Islands.”

“In 1494, by the terms of the Treaty of Tordesillas, Spain and Portugal agreed to move that line to a meridian 370 leagues west of the Cape Verde Islands.”

On November 28 1520, Ferdinand Magellan entered the “Sea of the South” (which he later named the Pacific) and thereby open up to Spain the possibility of an alternative route between Europe and the spices of the Orient.” (Lloyd)

Then, almost 50 years after the death of Christopher Columbus, Manila galleons finally fulfilled their dream of sailing west to Asia to benefit from the rich Indian Ocean trade.

“The Spanish Galleons were square rigged ships with high superstructures on their sterns. They were obviously designed for running before the wind or at best sailing on a very ‘broad reach.’”

“Because of their apparently limited ability to ‘beat their way to windward’ (sail against the wind), they had to find trade routes where the prevailing winds and sea currents were favorable.” (Lloyd)

Starting in 1565, with the Spanish sailor and friar Andrés de Urdaneta, after discovering the Tornaviaje or return route to Mexico through the Pacific Ocean, Spanish galleons sailed the Pacific Ocean between Acapulco in New Spain (now Mexico) and Manila in the Philippine islands.

Once a year, gold and silver were transported west to Manila in exchange spices (pepper, clove and cinnamon), porcelain, ivory, lacquer and elaborate fabrics (silk, velvet, satin), collected from both the Spice Islands and the Asian Pacific coast, in European markets.

They also carried Chinese handicrafts, Japanese screens, fans, Japanese swords, Persian carpets, Ming dynasties and a myriad of other products. East Asia traded primarily with a silver standard, and the goods were bought mainly with Mexican silver. (Pascual)

The galleons leaving Manila would make their way back to Acapulco in a four-month long journey. The goods were off-loaded and transported across land to ships on the other Mexican coast at Veracruz, and eventually, sent to European markets and customers eager for these exotic wares. (GuamPedia)

In 1668 a royal decree required the galleons to stop in Guam in the Mariana Islands on their westward voyage from Acapulco to Manila. This allowed ships to replenish supplies and was the only means for communication between Spain and the Marianas colony.

More than 40-Spanish galleons were lost during this 250-year period. (Lloyd) The Manila Galleon Trade lasted for 250 years and ended in 1815 with Mexico’s war of independence.

“‘The voyage from the Philippine islands to America may be call’d the longest, and most dreadful of any in the world; as well because of the vast ocean to be cross’d, being almost the one-half of the terraquous globe, with the wind always a-head; as for the terrible tempests that happen there, one upon the back of the other …”

“… and for the desperate diseases that seize people, in seven or eight months living at sea, sometimes near the line, sometimes cold, sometimes temperate, sometimes hot, which is enough to destroy a man of steel, much more flesh and blood, which at sea had but indifferent food.’” (Dr. Gemilli, Popular Science, 1901)

“The Spanish captains normally made their eastbound Pacific crossings between 31o N and 44o N latitude to insure that they would remain in the zone of the westerly winds. They would want to avoid the ‘horse latitudes’ (around 30o N) and they would certainly want to remain well north of the northeast trade winds that would drive their square rigged ships back to the Philippines.”

“This northerly route back to Acapulco would normally keep the galleons at least 1,000 miles north of Hawaii and it would not be surprising if little or no contact with the Hawaiian Island occurred during these difficult eastbound crossings of the North Pacific.”

“The westbound route from Acapulco offers an entirely different set of navigational considerations. Friar Urdaneta’s route involved sailing down to 13° N latitude (or 14° N) and following that parallel all the way to Guam and on to the San Bernardino Strait in the Philippines.”

“Unknown to the Spanish navigators, the very favorable ocean currents mentioned above would position their ships much further along their westbound course than indicated by using their ship’s mechanical ‘log’ to measure their ship’s speed through the water.” (Lloyd)

In 1778, Captain James Cook made contact with the Hawaiians Islands. However, was he the first foreigner? Some suggest the Spaniards came to the Islands a couple of centuries before Cook saw them.

One suggestion is they did not: “The Spaniard, Quimper, was on the Princess Royal, a ship seized from the British at Nootka Sound. When the Spanish authorities at Nootka learned from traders about these Islands, they sent Quimper to see whether a settlement could be established here, so that ships could get supplies on their voyages from Mexico to Manila.”

“He reported favorably, but the expense was deemed too great. This evidently shows that Cook’s discovery gave the Spanish their first knowledge of Hawai‘i, for they had been searching for a place of call for many years. Quimper wrote that sixteen ships had visited the Islands since the death of Cook.” (Restarick)

However, “Old Spanish charts and a 1613 AD Dutch globe suggest that explorers from Spain had sighted Hawaiʻi long before Captain Cook. When Cook arrived in 1778, galleons laden with silver from the mines of Mexico and South America had been passing south of Hawaiʻi for two centuries on annual round trip voyages of 17,000 miles between Acapulco and Manila.” (Kane)

“It seems to be almost certain that one Juan Gaetano, a Spanish navigator, saw Hawaii in 1555 AD. A group of islands, the largest of which was called La Mesa, was laid down in the old Spanish charts in the same latitude as the Hawaiian Islands, but 10 degrees too far east.” (Hawaiʻi Department of Foreign Affairs, 1896)

“There are undoubted proof of the discovery of the Hawaiian Islands by the Spaniard, Juan Gaetano. This is the first known record of the islands among the civilized nations. There are evident references to this group in the legends of the Polynesians in other Pacific islands.” (Westervelt 1923)

La Perouse noted, when he briefly visited the Islands (1786,) “In the charts, at the foot of this archipelago, might be written: ‘Sandwich Islands, surveyed in 1778 by Captain Cook, who named them, anciently discovered by the Spanish navigators.’” (La Perouse, Fornander)

“By all the documents that have been examined, it is demonstrated that the discovery dates from the year 1555 and that the discoverer was Juan Gaetano or Gaytan. The principal proof is an old manuscript chart, registered in these archives as anonymous, and in which the Sandwich Islands are laid down under that name, but which also contains a note declaring that he called them Islas de Mesa”. (Spanish Colonial Office letter to the Governor of the Philippines, The Friend May 1927)

“It is true that no document has been found in which Gaytan himself certifies to this fact, but there exist data which collectively form a series of proofs sufficient for believing it to be so. The principal one is an old manuscript chart … in which the Sandwich Islands are laid down under that name…” (The Friend May 1927)

“(H)e called them “Islas de Mesa” (Table Islands.) There are besides, other islands, situated in the same latitude, but 10° further east, and respectively named “La Mesa” (the table), “La Desgraciado” (the unfortunate), “Olloa,” and “Los Monges” (the Monks.)”

Gaetano passed through the northern part of the Pacific and discovered large islands which he marked upon a chart as “Los Majos.” The great mountains upon these islands did not rise in sharp peaks, but spread out like a high tableland in the clouds, hence he also called the islands “Isles de Mesa,” the Mesa Islands or the Table Lands. One of the islands was named “The Unfortunate.” Three other smaller islands were called “The Monks.” (Westervelt 1923)

Fortunately, however, the Spanish made no use of this discovery, thus permitting the Hawaiians to escape the sad fate of the natives of the Ladrones and Carolines under Spanish dominion. (White 1898)

Juan Gaetano may not have been the first Spaniard, here. Stories suggest an earlier arrival of shipwrecked Spaniards at Keʻei, Kona Moku (district,) Island of Hawaiʻi.

There is fairly complete evidence that a Spanish vessel was driven ashore on the island of Hawaii in 1527, it being one of a squadron of three which sailed from the Mexican coast for the East Indies. (White 1898)

“A well known Hawaiian tradition relates that in the reign of Keliiokaloa, son of Umi, a foreign vessel was wrecked at Keei, South Kona, Hawaii. According to the tradition, only the captain and his sister reached the shore in safety. From their kneeling on the beach and remaining a long time in that posture, the place was called Kulou (to stoop, to bow,) as it is unto this day.” (Alexander 1892)

“The natives received them kindly and placed food before them. These strangers intermarried with the Hawaiians, and were the progenitors of certain well known families of chiefs, as for instance, that of Kaikioewa, former Governor of Kauai.“ (Alexander 1892)

Jarves expanded on the story, “In the reign of Kealiiokaloa, son of Umi, thirteen generations of kings before Cook’s arrival, which, according to the previous calculation, would bring it near the year 1620, a vessel, called by the natives Konaliloha, arrived at Pale, Keei, on the south side of Kealakeakua bay, Hawaii.”

“Here, by some accident, she was drawn into the surf, and totally wrecked; the captain, Kukanaloa, and a white woman, said to be his sister, were the only persons who reached the land. As soon as they trod upon the beach, either from fear of the inhabitants, or to return thanks for their safety, they prostrated themselves, and remained in that position for a long time.”

“The spot where this took place, is known at the present day, by the appellation of Kulou, to bow down. The shipwrecked strangers were hospitably received, invited to the dwellings of the natives, and food placed before them.” (Jarves 1843)

One more thing, the first Hawaiian word written is ‘Hamaite’ – it was spoken to Captain Cook at the time he made contact with the Islands and he wrote it in his journal.

It was made in reference to iron. Some suggest it refers to Hematite (ferric oxide – a mineral form of iron oxide – that is Hematita in Spanish.) However, others suggest ‘Hamaite’ is actually a Hawaiian expression of He maita‘i – good. (Schutz)

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April 20, 2018 by Peter T Young Leave a Comment

Hope

“(T)he maritime fur trade on the Northwest Coast of America had its origin in the accidental discovery by Captain Cook’s sailors that the furs which they had obtained at Nootka in exchange for the veriest trifles were of great value in the eyes of the Chinese. Naturally the earliest of these traders came from India and China.”

“In September of (1788) appeared at Nootka a new flag – that of the United States of America. This first American venture consisted of the Columbia and the Washington, commanded by captains Gray and Kendrick.”

“After about a year spent on the coast the Columbia sailed for China with the furs collected by both vessels, and thence to her home port, Boston, where she arrived August 10, 1790.”

“Though the voyage had proved a great disappointment, financially, yet other enterprising Boston merchants determined to essay another venture. The vessel they selected was the Hope, a brigantine of seventy tons and slightly built.”

“In command they placed Joseph Ingraham, who had been mate of the Columbia. This move angered the owners of that vessel, who seemed to think that as they had introduced Ingraham to the fur trade they had some vested right in his services.”

“The Hope sailed from Boston September 16, 1790. … On January 4, 1791 the Falkland Islands were sighted just west of Falkland Strait.”

“‘Remaining very long at sea is often of disheartening seamen and thereby bringing on sickness, only the sight of land, even if no refreshments are procured it, has often a wonderful effect; it awakens them from lethargy occasioned by the sameness of viewing nothing and water’.” (Ingraham)

“Three months after his departure from the Falkland Islands Ingraham anchored in the Bay of Madre de Dios in the Marquesas. (He then) sailed to the westward.”

“Late that afternoon (April 21, 1791) two islands appeared under his lee. Startled by the discovery them he bore away towards them and soon two others appeared upon the horizon. The next day three more were seen. Feeling confident that these we no part of the Marquesas group and that they had never been seen by Europeans, he named them after Washington and other prominent Americans.”

“But Ingraham was in search of furs, not on a voyage of discovery. He hastened towards the Sandwich Islands. On May 17 only five casks of water remained; early on the morning of the 20th, Ingraham was delighted to see the snow-capped summit of Mauna Loa appear above the western horizon.”

At Owyhee (Hawai‘i) he met Tianna … “Hogs, fowls, potatoes, plantains and sugar cane were obtained as the vessel skirted the shores of Owyhee, Mowee (Maui) and Atooi (Kauai).”

“Finally on June 1 the Hope emerged from the channel between Atooi and Oneehow (Ni‘ihau), and the course was set for the Northwest Coast of America.”

“The anniversary of the Declaration of Independence occurred while the Hope lay in Magee Sound. … ‘I caused a hog of 70 lbs weight to be roasted whole, on which we all dined on shore. I with my officers and seamen drank the President’s and made the forest ring with three cheers; after which every one returned to their several employments as we could not time to sit long after dinner.’” (Ingraham)

“(H)e had left a boar and two the hope that they might increase and be of use to future visitors; and desiring that these animals be not molested until they multiplied.”

“Gray of the Columbia was the first to show the Indians of Queen Charlotte Islands how to cultivate the potato. Thus to the credit of the Americans are the introduction of domestic animals and vegetables in those islands.”

“On the morning of July 7 the fast was cast off and the Hope towed out of the sound, ready to begin trading. … Having obtained about three hundred sea otter skins and completely cleared the village of the least particle of fur, Ingraham sailed on July 19 through Cox Strait or Parry Passage, and shaped his course eastward. …”

“It was now the 15th of August; only a little over a month since he had begun his trading at Cloak Bay; and in that interval Ingraham had collected more than eight hundred and fifty sea otter skins. Each day added a few to his stock …”

“… but all the cloth and clothing were gone; and in the competition with at least three other vessels this would place him at a distinct disadvantage. He therefore decided, instead of wintering on the coast, to sail to China, dispose of his cargo of furs, obtain further supply of trading goods, and return to Queen Charlotte Islands in time for the opening of the next season.”

“The crew were set to work to take out the furs, beat, clean, and dry them, obtain wood and water, and prepare for the voyage across the Pacific. These necessary occupations consumed about a fortnight. The Hope still lay at anchor in the little cove at Cumshewa’s village, visited each day by the natives.”

“The trade went steadily on, and the stream of furs flowed uninterruptedly into her hold. When, at last, the vessel was ready to sail, Ingraham found that he had more than fourteen hundred sea otter skins and upwards of three hundred sables, besides beaver, wolverine, etc.”

“Forty-nine days trade on the northern and eastern side of Queen Charlotte Islands. He attributes his success to the method, first introduced by him, of visiting a village, casting anchor and remaining until no more furs could be secured.”

“In this he is probably right, for the natives naturally preferred to deal in this way, rather than paddle out four or five leagues to a moving vessel, as they must do to trade with the others.”

“The results support this view, for the Columbia, pursuing the old fashion of flitting hither and thither had in about the same time obtained only six hundred skins, and the Hancock between five hundred and six hundred.”

“Just as the Hope was under way a canoe came out and traded twenty skins – the very last they possessed … ‘seeing we were about to leave them, they traded quick.’ He left Queen Charlotte Islands on September 1 for China by way of the Sandwich Islands.”

“On October 6 the island Owyhee (Hawaii) was seen at a distance of twenty leagues. … In four or five days Ingraham, having collected seventy hogs, some fowls, and a great quantity of vegetables, resumed his voyage to China carrying with him three Sandwich Island lads as an addition to his crew. He anchored in Macao Roads November 29, 1791.”

“(However,) that, owing to war between China and Russia, the Chinese, under the mistaken idea that the fur trade was wholly connected with Russian interests, had prohibited all vessels having furs on board from entering Canton, the great Chinese mart.”

“(H)e he had come to China to sell his furs, and sell them he would despite the prohibition. … There was no market; had there been one, it would have been flooded, for the cargoes of the Grace, Hancock, Gustavus, Hope and La Solide, added to those of the Spanish vessels from Manilla amounted to about eleven thousand sea otter skins.”

“After ten days spent in a vain endeavor to get the skins ashore, and in which they narrowly escaped seizure the boat returned. Some two hundred skins were sold to other captains who took the risk of running then ashore.”

“While slowly getting rid of his skins, disposing of a few here and a few there, and smuggling a boat load ashore to every available opportunity Ingraham was also obtaining his trading goods.”

“He purchased a large quantity of broadcloth and began on shore the manufacture of jackets and trousers, but when h attempted to put the cloth and the clothing on the Hope, the mandarins demanded $100 to be paid before they would allow them to leave the shore.”

“He and his friends Coolidge and Rogers agreed to invest the proceeds of their sales in a cargo of tea and to charter a small vessel, the Fairy, to transport it to Boston.”

“He accordingly purchased one thousand eight hundred and sixty chests of tea as his share of the lading, but soon discovered that he had obtained far too much. The tea was brought to Macao to be loaded; only a hundred chests had been put on board when the mandarins again interfered and seized sixty-seven chests.”

“On April 1, 1792 the Hope in company with the Grace for the Northwest Coast of America. Head winds drove them back, and it was not until the 26th that they finally left the Chinese coast.”

The Hope made it back to the northwest coast … “Ingraham was surprised to meet at Nootka the Sandwich Islander, Opie, whom he had brought out from Boston and Owyhee in May 1791. This man who had evidently an attack of the wanderlust had embarked with Vancouver in March 1792.”

“He now wished to return to his home and begged Ingraham to him a passage. This, however, was refused unless Vancouver would discharge him. When Vancouver declined to do so Opie suggested that he would desert and meet the Hope in a canoe outside Nootka, but to this Ingraham would not consent … in any event, the Hope was already overmanned.”

Then, “The season was ended. More than three months had been spent in the vain endeavor to procure a cargo of skins. … On October 12 Ingraham sailed from Nootka for China by way of the Sandwich Islands. His Journal ends here quite abruptly”. (All here from Howay)

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April 19, 2018 by Peter T Young 2 Comments

Asian Influence?

“The influence exerted on ocean currents by the Earth’s rotation was not generally appreciated until 1835, when G. de Coriolis, while studying equations of motion in a rotating frame of reference, discovered what is now called Coriolis force.”

“Coriolis showed how the effects of the Earth’s rotation could be incorporated into the Newtonian equations of motion by adding two additional terms. One, the centrifugal force of the Earth’s rotation and the coriolis force that modifies direction.”

“Asia’s seamen have known the Kuroshio (current) since ancient times. They named it Kuro-shio (which means ‘black stream’ in the Japanese language) because of the deep ultramarine colour of the warm, high salinity water which is found flowing north”.

“The first European chart to show the Kuroshio was Varenius’ “Geographia Generalis” of 1650. Later, expeditions headed by Captains James Cook (1776-80) and Krusenstern (1804) added to western knowledge about the Kuroshio.” (Barkley)

“Between the thirteenth and nineteenth centuries, the Kuroshio’s treacherous waters swept numerous Japanese ship and their frightened passengers out across the Pacific, depositing them rudely on the coral reefs of the Hawaiian archipelago.” (Ogawa & Grant)

“Inadvertently, the Kuroshio became a rough-hewn bridge between the civilizations of feudal Japan and the stone-age world of the Hawaiian culture.”

“Across this bridge came not only castaways but the artifacts of Japanese culture, several of which became incorporated into the indigenous lifestyle of the tolerant, friendly native.”

“For example, the Hawaiian game of konane perhaps evolved from the Japanese game of go. The plumbed standard of state which Hawaiian royalty retained, the kahili, was possibly derivative of the Japanese keyari”. (Ogawa & Grant)

“The name ‘Keyari’ is a derivative of the Japanese name for the feathered or haired pike carried in feudal Japan as a symbol of rank (毛槍).” (Schmid)

“Hawaiian native culture, whilst basically Polynesian, included many features not found elsewhere in Polynesia. Such cannot be explained satisfactorily by local evolution, nor extra-Polynesian immigration.”

“Some features appear to be European, but since most suggest an origin in the North Pacific coastal regions, their presence in Hawaii may be due to involuntary or drift voyages”. (Stokes; Journal of the Polynesian Society))

“From a study of many authorities writing of drift-voyages – Stokes quotes from forty-seven – he concludes that the most definite recorded drifts have been from Japan, and of these drifts he gives a list of fifty-three Japanese ships which have drifted, disabled, into the northern Pacific.”

“On most of them survivors were found – in one instance after a drift of seventeen months. At least one ship reached Hawaii, after a drift of ten or eleven months, four people out of nine surviving.”

“These drifts were in historic times, all but eight in the eighteen-hundreds; the eight date between the years 1617 and 1794; and (Stokes) writes: …”

“‘With the definite record of one drift to Hawaii from Japan, and none from other Pacific regions in historic times, it is obvious that many of the castaways mentioned in Hawaiian traditions were Japanese, traces of whose culture should be found’”.

“‘The dates when foreign influence apparently was manifest centre around A.D. 1600. Such may be arrived at by a comparative study of the Aukele legend and the accounts of Liloa, Umi, Keawenui, and Lono – kings reigning between 1550 and 1630, as estimated from the genealogies – a period standing out as replete with stories having the appearance of historical narrative.’”

“‘It also indicates an era of many innovations. If the items then mentioned for the first time were not introductions, the period must at least mark the introduction of some new intellectual element which left its record in contemporary unwritten literature.’”.

“The artifact to which (Stokes) devotes most attention is the kahili of Hawaii, which compares with the keyari of Japan, which two present striking similarities in appearance and function.”

“‘One description will apply to both: a staff or standard with feathers arranged in cylindrical form on the upper part; insignium of rank, preceding the ruler or high noble on the road on ceremonial visits, and requiring the obeissance due to its owner …’”

“‘… feathered portion, unicoloured or banded; shaft generally banded – the colours being brown, black, and white … In Hawaii also was a smaller feathered kahili, used in the house to brush flies from royal personages and high or low chiefs.’”

“‘In form, size, and method of feather attachment, it is similar to the Chinese feather-duster of commerce (unchanged for at least fifty years) of which the present-day Japanese feather-duster is a shortened model.’”

“‘The term kahili is the Polynesian tahiri, ‘to wave, fan,’ etc., and has nothing to do with the shape or material of the implement. The same term is applied to the simple bundle of crude leaf-midribs comprising the native broom.’”

“‘Probably a feather-duster reached Hawaii in a Japanese boat and was used as a fly-brush, and the larger type was evolved and highly dignified through the Japanese recollection of the keyari …’” (Stokes; Journal of the Polynesian Society))

“In his exhaustive comparison, among others, of the tall Hawaiian kahili and Japanese keyari for example, Stokes notes that the tall kahili is first mentioned in published Hawaiian traditions in the generation of King Lonoikamakahiki (c. 1630 A.D.) with no known prototype …”

“… whereas the keyari in Japan is traceable as far back as 1190 A.D. and was in use extending to the Tokugawa Period (1600-1867). In short, Stokes suggests that the arrival of intermittent Japanese drifts to Hawaii and the resulting diffusion of ideas may provide the best explanation for some of these uniquely Hawaiian ‘elaborations’.” (Braden)

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