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November 9, 2016 by Peter T Young Leave a Comment

First Medical School

“There is and has been a greater need of native doctors than of native lawyers. The Missionaries have educated the native pastors … The native lawyers have educated themselves … but the medical profession, has been like a sealed book …” (Introduction, Anatomia)

“In an early period of the Hawaiian Mission the subject of educating persons for physicians was agitated, but nothing of importance done.” (The Friend, July 1, 1871)

“There was a time when a large proportion of the population applied to the Missionaries for medical aid. The funds of the American Board were largely drawn upon for medicines, and the Missionaries devoted a great deal of time in attendance on the sick …”

“Subsequently the Hawaiian Government undertook to furnish the Missionaries with medicines for the sick; of late years this source of relief has dried up, and even the voluntary practice of the Missionaries has been discountenanced. In places where there are no educated physicians”. (Bushnell)

Dr Gerrit P Judd had published the first medical textbook in 1838, Anatomia, the only medical textbook written in the Hawaiian language. Dr Judd, for a time the only medical missionary in the Islands, wrote the text in 1838 to teach basic anatomy to Hawaiians enrolled at the Mission Seminary (Lahainaluna.)

Working from a standard elementary textbook of the time, Judd provided his students with more than a simple, straight translation. He devised a new vocabulary and explained medical functions and practices in words that would be understood by a Hawaiian.

Judd’s use of Hawaiian terms and descriptions gives us insights into native cultural and healing practices in the early decades of the nineteenth century.

Judd was one of the very few Western doctors in Hawai‘i that was interested in learning about Hawaiian medical practices and remedies. He hired Native Hawaiian assistants and apprentices. (Mission Houses)

Anatomia is a valuable addition to the growing collection of translations on native health and will be greatly appreciated by linguists, historians and students of Hawaiian language and culture. (Mission Houses)

Then, the legislative session of 1868 brought forth An Act to Establish a Hawaiian Board of Health; the preamble noted, “the outer districts of this Kingdom are greatly in want of physicians … it is thought advisable to establish a system of licensing Hawaiian practitioners of medicine ….” (Bushnell)

In 1871, the Hawaiian Evangelical Association admitted “there is a pressing necessity for educating a sufficient number of native pupils to meet the wants of the people and to check the serious and rapidly growing evil … the question arises how and by whom it is to be done.”

They concluded, “It should be conducted in the Hawaiian language, by one or more medical men who understand the language, and are acquainted with the prejudices and superstitions of the people.”

“Pupils when educated should be distributed all over the islands, at least two in every election district, licensed to practice and authorized to charge for their services according to a schedule to be provided for their guidance. They should be under a constant supervision.” (Bushnell)

“The last Legislature of this kingdom (1870) appropriated a sum of money ($4,000) to be expended in educating young men for this purpose. The Vice President of the Hawaiian Board, Dr GP Judd, was appointed to take charge of the instruction of these young men.”

Judd, a medical missionary, had originally come to the islands to serve as the missionary physician, intending to treat native Hawaiians for the growing number of diseases introduced by foreigners.

He immersed himself in the Hawaiian community, becoming a fluent speaker of Hawaiian. Judd soon became an adviser to and supporter of King Kamehameha III.

In May 1842, Judd was asked to leave the Mission and accept an appointment as “translator and recorder for the government,” and as a member of the “treasury board,” with instructions to aid Oʻahu’s Governor Kekūanāoʻa in the transaction of business with foreigners.

In 1846, Judd was transferred from the post of minister of the interior to that of minister of finance (which he held until 1853, when by resignation, he terminated his service with the government.)

“On the 9th of November, 1870, he opened a school with ten pupils. This, we think, is a move in the right direction, and by the blessing of God, may be made the means of counteracting some of the evils, which arise from the number of native doctors among the people, and of prolonging the existence of the nation.” (The Friend, July 1, 1871)

The students included, SW Kaneali‘i, Jr, Kauai – Hanalei;) SK Kauai, Jr (Kauai – Waimea;) John W Kalua (Molokai;) Ceo W Kalopapela (Maui – Waihe‘e;) Henry P Ka‘ili (Maui – Makawao;) John Kalama (Hawai‘i Island – Kohala;) Henry Mana (Hawai‘i Island – Kawaihae;) Kona, S Na‘onohi (Hawai‘i Island – Kona;) Daniel P Aumai (Hawai‘i Island – Kāʻu;) and John Kelia (Hawai‘i Island – Puna.)

Their classwork and lectures were supplemented by a practicum in a dispensary (pharmacy/doctor’s office.) Dr. Judd most likely taught this school at his private hospital and dispensary at 31 Punchbowl St and during visits to the Queen’s Hospital.

Conceived and organized in the manner of one-man medical schools of that time in America, with which he and many of his colleagues would have been familiar, Dr Judd’s school was probably just as good as many of them, and no worse than most. (Bushnell)

The school ended on October 2, 1872, when Laura Fish Judd (Dr Judd’s wife) died. He recommended to the Board of Health that all 10 students be certified and licensed medical physicians. The licenses were issued on October 14, 1872. (Mission Houses)

Judd participated in a pivotal role in Medicine, Finance, Law, Sovereignty, Land Tenure and Governance in the Islands. Gerrit P Judd died in Honolulu on July 12, 1873.

“He was a man of energy, courage and sincerity of purpose. He was an able physician, and he developed great aptitude for the administration of public affairs. The benefit of his talents was freely and liberally given to a people who he knew needed and deserved assistance.” (Hawaiian Mission Centennial Book)

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10_Graduates_of_Judd's_Medical_School-(nih-gov)
10_Graduates_of_Judd’s_Medical_School-(nih-gov)
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judd-anatomia-page_081

Filed Under: Economy, General, Missionaries / Churches / Religious Buildings, Hawaiian Traditions, Prominent People Tagged With: Gerrit Judd, Medical School, Hawaii

November 6, 2016 by Peter T Young Leave a Comment

‘Aumakua

The Hawaiian Kumulipo is a genealogical prayer chant linking the royal family to which it belonged not only to primary gods belonging to the whole people and worshiped in common with allied Polynesian groups, not only to deified chiefs born into the living world within the family line …

… but to the stars in the heavens and the plants and animals useful to life on earth, who must also be named within the chain of birth and their representatives in the spirit world thus be brought into the service of their children who live to carry on the line in the world of mankind. (Beckwith)

There were also family gods, and gods for individuals. Each family had its own ʻaumakua (personal god) that watched over and protected them.

For some it was a shark, others a pig, and so on. It was thought that spirits could communicate to the living through dreams and often appeared in the form of the family’s ʻaumakua.

Hawaiian traditions surrounding ritual practice allowed for the reciprocal exchange of mana (spiritual power) between the ʻāina (land, earth) the akua, and kānaka.

These rituals varied from strict ceremonies accompanied by mōhai (offerings) of food and sacrifice, to the utterance of a chant or prayer. (Pukui)

Beckwith explains, “The great gods each had his own form of worship, his priests and heiaus, his own special symbols of ritual distinction…”

“Besides the great gods there were an infinite number of subordinate gods descended upon the family line of one or another of the major deities and worshiped by particular families or those who pursued special occupations.”

Malo further explains, “Each man worshipped the akua that presided over the occupation or the profession he followed, because it was generally believed that the akua could prosper any man in his calling.”

And so with this way of life, it became a custom for kānaka to approach any kind of undertaking with the acknowledgement of Hawaiian deities and their various manifestations.

In the upland forest, there were several cultural activities that involved ritual protocol. For example, the god Kū was invoked when gathering material for luakini (temple) construction, kālai kiʻi (image carving), and ritual objects.

“If the King was minded to worship after the rite of Kū, the heiau he would build would be a luakini. The timbers of the house would be of ʻōhiʻa, the thatch of loulu palm or of uki grass. The fence about the place would be of ʻōhiʻa with the bark peeled off.”

“The lananuʻu-mamao had to be made of ʻōhiʻa timber so heavy that it must be hauled down from the mountains. The same heavy ʻōhiʻa timber was used in the making of the idols for the heiau.” (Malo)

Canoe construction was another activity that involved ritual practice in the upland forest. Malo explains that when a koa tree was chosen for a canoe, the kahuna took the axe of stone and called upon the gods: “O Kū-pulupulu, Kū-ala-na-wao, Kū-moku-haliʻi, Kū-ka-ʻieʻie, Kū-palalake, Kū-ka-ʻōhiʻa-laka.”

These were the male deities. Then he called upon the female deities: “O Lea and Ka-pua-o-alakai.” In another instance, bird-catchers would appeal to the god Kū-huluhulu.”

It is written in the book titled, Nānā I Ke Kumu, “With little formality, the Hawaiian would ask forgiveness for taking from nature’s bounty.”

The bird-catcher would speak to Kū in his manifestation as a god of hulu (feathers): “Oh Kū-huluhulu, forgive me for catching this bird and taking his feathers. They are needed for a kihei [mantle] for my chief [named]…” (Pukui)

Plant gathering for medicinal use was another occasion in which certain akua were called upon. For example, Kū and his wife Hina were invoked when medicinal plants were gathered, as they are the akua associated with the male and female properties in healing plants and in ritual. (Pukui)

The native Hawaiian relationship with the ʻāina is spiritually guided by reverence and a deep seeded respect. This connection is depicted in the Kumulipo, a highly detailed genealogical creation chant, where kānaka descend from Papahānaumoku, Earth Mother, and Wākea, Sky Father.

Therefore, to disrespect the land is to disregard one’s ʻohana. So sustaining a pono connection to the ‘āina, or that which feeds, is essential to the balance of all life and to the well-being of our society. (Kumupa‘a) (Image by Patrick Ching.)

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Hidden Valley-Iiwi-PatrickChing
Hidden Valley-Iiwi-PatrickChing

Filed Under: Hawaiian Traditions Tagged With: Hawaii, Aumakua, Akua

November 4, 2016 by Peter T Young Leave a Comment

Land Management

The social structure shaped and reinforced land management.

“(I)n the earliest times all the people were alii (chiefs) … it was only after the lapse of several generations that a division was made into commoners and chiefs” (Malo)

Kamakau noted, in early Hawaiʻi “The parents were masters over their own family group … No man was made chief over another.” Essentially, the extended family was the socio, biological, economic and political unit.

Because each ʻohana (family) was served by a parental haku (master, overseer) and each family was self-sufficient and capable of satisfying its own needs, there was no need for a hierarchal structure.

As the population increased and wants and needs increased in variety and complexity (and it became too difficult to satisfy them with finite resources,) the need for chiefly rule became apparent.

As chiefdoms developed, the simple pecking order of titles and status likely evolved into a more complex and stratified structure. The actual number of chiefs was few, but their retainers attached to the courts (advisors, konohiki, priests, warriors, etc) were many.

Most of the makaʻāinana (common people) were farmers, a few were fishermen. Tenants cultivated smaller crops for family consumption, to supply the needs of chiefs and provide tributes. Kapu (restrictions/prohibitions) were observed as a matter of resource and land management, among other things.

The traditional land use in the Hawaiian Islands evolved from shifting cultivation into a stable form of agriculture. Stabilization required a new form of land use and eventually the ahupua‘a form of land management was instituted (what we generally refer to as watersheds, today.)

In addition, this centralization of government allowed for completion and maintenance of large projects, such as irrigation systems, large taro loʻi, large fish ponds, heiau and trails.

Ahupuaʻa served as a means of managing people and taking care of the people who support them, as well as an easy form of collection of tributes by the chiefs. Ultimately, this helped in preserving resources.

The ahupuaʻa boundaries reflected the pattern of land use that had evolved as the most efficient and beneficial to the well-being of the ʻohana, as the population expanded throughout previous centuries.

This pattern of land use and the boundaries were adopted and then instituted by the ruling chiefs and their supervisors to delineate units for the annual collection of the Makahiki Harvest Season offerings to them as the land stewards of Lono, God of Agriculture. (McGregor & MacKenzie)

Dr Marion Kelly noted there were three main technological advances resulting in food production intensification in pre-contact Hawai‘i: (a) walled fishponds, (b) terraced pondfields with their irrigation systems and (c) systematic dry-land field cultivation organized by vegetation zones.

Hawaiians built rock-walled enclosures in near shore waters, to raise fish for their communities and families. It is believed these were first built around the fifteenth century.

The ancient Hawaiian fishpond is a sophisticated land and ocean resource management technique. Utilizing raw materials such as rocks, corals, vines and woods, the Hawaiians created great walls (kuapā) and gates (mākāhā) for these fishponds.

The general term for a fishpond is loko (pond), or more specifically, loko iʻa (fishpond). Loko iʻa were used for the fattening and storing of fish for food and also as a source for kapu (forbidden) fish.

Samuel M. Kamakau points out that “one can see that they were built as government projects by chiefs, for it was a very big task to build one, (and) commoners could not have done it (singly, or without co-ordination.)” Chiefs had the power to command a labor force large enough to transport the tons of rock required and to construct such great walls.

A second technological invention by Hawaiian Polynesians was the development of their extended stone-faced, terraced pondfields (lo‘i) and their accompanying irrigation systems (ʻauwai) for the intensive cultivation of wetland taro (kalo.)

The terraces were irrigated with water brought in ditches from springs and streams high in the valleys, allowing extensive areas of the valleys to be cultivated. The irrigation ditches and pondfields were engineered to allow the cool water to circulate among the taro plants and from terrace to terrace, avoiding stagnation and overheating by the sun, which would rot the taro tubers.

An acre of irrigated pondfields produced as much as five times the amount of taro as an acre of dryland cultivation. Over a period of several years, irrigated pondfields could be as much as 10 or 15 times more productive than unirrigated taro gardens, as dryland gardens need to lie fallow for greater lengths of time than irrigated gardens.

The third form of subsistence intensification involved the systematic cultivation of dryland crops in their appropriate vegetation zones as exemplified by the Field Systems in Kona, Kohala, Kaupō and Kalaupapa (Kaʻū reportedly also has a field system.)

Cultivation of the soil in Kona was characterized by a variety of non-irrigated root and tree crops grown for subsistence, each farmer having gardens in one or more vegetation zones. Each crop was cultivated in the zone in which it grew best.

Reverend William Ellis described the area behind Kailua town in Kona above the breadfruit and mountain apple trees as, “The path now lay through a beautiful part of the country, quite a garden compared with that through which they had passed on first leaving the town.”

“It was generally divided into small fields, about fifteen rods square fenced with low stone walls, built with fragments of lava gathered from the surface of the enclosures. These fields were planted with bananas, sweet potatoes, mountain taro, paper mulberry plants, melons, and sugar-cane, which flourished luxuriantly in every direction.”

The fields were typically oriented parallel to the elevation contours and the walls; sometimes these were made up of a grid of rain-fed plots, defined by low stone field walls built, in part, to shelter sweet potatoes and other crops from the wind.

Since the dryland technique was away from supplemental water sources, this was truly dryland agriculture. There was no evidence to level terraces as in irrigated pondfield systems (taro lo‘i,) and there was no evidence of water control features or channels; so the conclusion was the system was strictly rainfed.

The condition of the common people was that of subjection to the chiefs, compelled to do their heavy tasks, burdened and oppressed some even to death. The life of the people was one of patient endurance, of yielding to the chiefs to purchase their favor. The plain man (kanaka) must not complain. (Malo)

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c. 1826 lithograph, William Ellis C., Big Island. Waipio Valley, Ahupua'a.
c. 1826 lithograph, William Ellis C., Big Island. Waipio Valley, Ahupua’a.

Filed Under: General, Ali'i / Chiefs / Governance, Hawaiian Traditions Tagged With: Dryland, Land Management, Hawaii, Ahupuaa, Fishpond, Loi

November 1, 2016 by Peter T Young 1 Comment

Timeline Tuesday … 1790s

Today’s ‘Timeline Tuesday’ takes us through the 1790s – including John Young and Isaac Davis joining Kamehameha, Vancouver visits, Battles of Kepaniwai and Nu‘uanu, etc. We look at what was happening in Hawai‘i during this time period and what else was happening around the rest of the world.

A Comparative Timeline illustrates the events with images and short phrases. This helps us to get a better context on what was happening in Hawai‘i versus the rest of the world. I prepared these a few years ago for a planning project. (Ultimately, they never got used for the project, but I thought they might be on interest to others.)

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Filed Under: Economy, General, Ali'i / Chiefs / Governance, Hawaiian Traditions, Prominent People, Sailing, Shipping & Shipwrecks Tagged With: Timeline Tuesday, Battle of Nuuanu, Isaac Davis, Liholiho, Kepaniwai, John Young, Captain Vancouver

October 25, 2016 by Peter T Young 2 Comments

Timeline Tuesday … 1000 – 1780s

Today’s ‘Timeline Tuesday’ takes us from the approximately 1000 AD (when some estimate the first settlement of the Islands took place) to the rise of Kamehameha, Contact and death of Captain Cook. We look at what was happening in Hawai‘i during this time period and what else was happening around the rest of the world.

A Comparative Timeline illustrates the events with images and short phrases. This helps us to get a better context on what was happening in Hawai‘i versus the rest of the world. I prepared these a few years ago for a planning project. (Ultimately, they never got used for the project, but I thought they might be on interest to others.)

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Filed Under: Ali'i / Chiefs / Governance, Hawaiian Traditions, Place Names, Economy, General Tagged With: Timeline Tuesday, Hawaii, Captain Cook, Kamehameha, Mailikukahi, Mokuohai, Kakuhihewa, Contact

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Images of Old Hawaiʻi

People, places, and events in Hawaiʻi’s past come alive through text and media in “Images of Old Hawaiʻi.” These posts are informal historic summaries presented for personal, non-commercial, and educational purposes.

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