Hawaiian Traditions | Page 50 | Images of Old Hawaiʻi

August 2, 2019 by Peter T Young Leave a Comment

Hōlualoa Royal Center

In the centuries prior to 1778, seven large and densely-populated Royal Centers were located along the shoreline between Kailua and Hōnaunau on the Island of Hawai‘i.

The compounds were areas selected by the ali‘i for their residences; ali‘i often moved between several residences throughout the year. The Royal Centers were selected for their abundance of resources and recreation opportunities, with good surfing and canoe-landing sites being favored.

Chiefly residences are known to have changed over time and an ali‘i would expand or modify a residential complex to meet his or her needs and desires.

Traditional histories record the lands at Hōlualoa as a chiefly residence and Royal Center.

Three major occupation sequences have been identified based on the association with various ali’i: AD 1300 (Keolonāhihi), AD 1600 (Keakamahana and Keākealaniwahine) and AD 1780 (Kamehameha I) – it appears very likely that the Hōlualoa Royal Center grew and changed over time.

Hōlualoa offered a wealth of agricultural products from the Kona Field system, offshore marine resources and the surf site off Kamoa Point in Hōlualoa Bay.

The Hōlualoa Royal Center was split into two archaeological complexes, Kamoa Point/Keolonāhihi Complex and Keākealaniwahine Residential Complex.

The Hōlualoa Royal Center contained a total of several heiau structures that were constructed and dedicated for a range of religious functions that are representative of Hawaiian cultural traditions and practices.

The functions of these heiau include surfing (Hale ‘A‘ama), warrior training (Kanekaheilani Heiau), medicine and healing (Hualani Heiau), fertility (Mo‘ipe Heiau) and preparation of ali‘i for burial (Burial Heiau and Haleokekupa).

Oral traditions suggest that the Hōlualoa Royal Center was constructed as early as A.D. 1300 by the Chiefess Keolonāhihi and her husband, Aka.

Keolonāhihi was either the daughter or niece of Pā‘ao. Pā‘ao brought the Kū religion, along with a highly stratified social system, to Hawai‘i from Tahiti, circa AD 1300.

These sites included the women’s features (Keolonāhihi Heiau, Hale Pe‘a and Palama), the sports heiau (Kanekaheilani) and the grandstand at Kamoa Point to view the surfing and canoeing events in Hōlualoa Bay.

Keākealaniwahine’s Residence, the 16-acre mauka parcel with its 28 recorded archaeological sites – this complex contains many religious sites, including three heiau.

Much of the site’s history relates to the occupation of the Royal Center by Chiefess Keakamahana and her daughter, Chiefess Keākealaniwahine, in the 17th Century. These two women were the highest-ranking Ali‘i of their dynastic line and generation – traditional histories suggest they expanded the compound mauka.

The residence of Keakamahana and Keākealaniwahine is believed to be the large walled enclosure on the mauka side of Ali‘i Drive.

Later, Kamehameha lived with his mother Kekuiapoiwa II and his guardians, Keaka and Luluka, at Pu‘u in Hōlualoa during the rule of Kalani‘ōpu’u.

At Hōlualoa, Kamehameha learned to excel in board and canoe surfing (circa 1760s to early 1770s.) “Lyman’s” at Hōlualoa Bay remains a popular surf spot, today.

Later, Kalani‘ōpu’u took Kamehameha to Ka‘u and there is no evidence that Kamehameha maintained a residence at Hōlualoa during his reign.

Kamehameha used the Keolonāhihi complex for religious purposes; after his rise to power, he stored his war god, Kūkaʻilimoku, at Hale O Kaili in the Hōlualoa Royal Center.

While I was at DLNR, we submitted nomination (and received) designation of the Hōlualoa Historic District and expanded the site through the purchase of an adjoining property.

In addition, we were involved in discussions that ultimately led to the BLNR approval of a Curator Agreement for the Keolonāhihi Complex with the Betty Kanuha Foundation.

The Hōlualoa Royal Center was one of the important Points of Interest in the Royal Footsteps Along the Kona Coast Scenic Byway Corridor Management Plan that we prepared.

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Holualoa_Bay-Across_to_Keolonahihi

Coastal frontage at Keohonahihi (Andy Bohlander)

Clearing of invasive kiawe trees at Keolonahihi (Andy Bohlander)

Ruins of perimeter wall at Hōlualoa Royal Center

Holualoa-Keolonahihi-coastal wall formation

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July 28, 2019 by Peter T Young Leave a Comment

Fishponds

In ancient Hawai‘i, fishponds were an integral part of the ahupua‘a. Hawaiians built rock-walled enclosures in near shore waters to raise fish for their communities and families. It is believed these were first built around the fifteenth century.

Only in Hawai’i was there such an intensive effort to utilize practically every body of water, from seashore to upland forests, as a source of food, for either agriculture or aquaculture.

The ancient Hawaiian coastal fishpond is a sophisticated land and ocean resource management technique. Utilizing raw materials such as rocks, corals, vines and woods, the Hawaiians created great walls (kuapā) and gates (mākāhā) for these fishponds.

A fish was kapu to the Hawaiians during its spawning season, to allow a variety of fish to reproduce. Although the chief or commoners were unable to catch fish in the sea at specific time spans, they were available in the fishponds because fishponds were considered a part of the land.

The general term for a fishpond is loko (pond), or more specifically, loko iʻa (fishpond). Loko iʻa were used for the fattening and storing of fish for food and also as a source for kapu (forbidden) fish.

The two major categories of loko were shore ponds and inland ponds. Hawaiians recognized five main types of fishponds and fishtraps. The primary ocean-based ponds were:

loko kuapā – what we consider the typical coastal fishpond, artificially enclosed by an arc-shaped seawall and containing at least one sluice gate (mākāhā)
loko pu‘uone, an isolated shore fishpond containing either brackish or a mixture of brackish and fresh water, formed by development of a barrier beach paralleling the coast, and connected to the ocean by a channel or ditch
loko ‘ume‘iki, a shore pond with numerous lanes leading in and out, was actually a very large fishtrap, whose walls were submerged at high tide, enabling fish to enter, and slightly above sea level at low tide. Fish were not continually raised or stored inside these structures, but were trapped and used immediately after capture.

Two forms of inland ponds were used to store fish, as well:

loko wai, a natural freshwater inland pond
loko i‘a kalo, small inland irrigated taro plot ponds

In ancient times, control of one or more fishponds was a symbol of chiefly status and power. Fishponds after the Great Mahele became private property and part of the adjoining land.

Fishponds are unique in Hawai‘i in that they are considered submerged lands, yet they are real property that can be brought, sold and leased.

The commoner had no absolute right to fish in the ponds, nor in the sector of ocean adjacent to the chief’s land – all of such rights were vested in the chiefs and ultimately in the King.

In 1848, when King Kamehameha III pronounced the Great Māhele, or land distribution, Hawaiian fishponds were considered private property by landowners and by the Hawaiian government.

This was confirmed in subsequent Court cases that noted “titles to fishponds are recognized to the same extent and in the same manner as rights recognized in fast land.”

Because of their location in the coastal zone, Hawaiian fishponds are controlled by a regulatory framework where County, State and Federal agencies each exercise some degree of control over activities associated with the pond.

There is a separate chapter in the State laws (Hawaiʻi Revised Statutes -HRS §183B) that deal with fishponds. Under certain circumstances, reconstruction, restoration, repair, or use of any Hawaiian fishpond are exempt from the requirements of chapter §343 (environmental review laws.)

When I was a kid, there were a couple abandoned and derelict fishponds down the channel near our house on Kāneʻohe Bay, but I never thought of them as ponds. My first real exposure to fishponds was the pond fronting the Nottage’s grandmother’s house on Molokaʻi.

While at DLNR, I remember the fishpond restoration on Maui with Kimokeo Kapahulehua (I still proudly wear the T-shirt from their program “‘Ao‘ao O Na Loko I‘a O Maui – Revitalizing a wall Revitalizing a culture”;) likewise, Colette Machado and Walter Ritte showed me fishponds on Moloka‘i and the work school groups were involved in there.

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Heeia Pond-paepaeoheeia

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Kaloko_Fish_Pond-(WC)

July 22, 2019 by Peter T Young Leave a Comment

Ruggles’ Quilt

“The making of tapa was a time-consuming and labor intensive process. The outer bark was stripped away and the inner bark was soaked in water to make it soft.”

“Artistically carved round wooden mallets were used to pound the strips of the inner bark into meshed fiber to form sheets of various sizes, thicknesses, and textures. Then, the tapa was colored by native dyes and decorated with block prints.”

“New England missionaries arrived in 1820 and taught high-ranking Hawaiian women to make American-style patchwork quilts. On April 3, 1820, seven young New England missionary women held the first ‘Sewing Circle’ aboard the brig Thaddeus.” (Cao and Park)

“The high-ranking Hawaiian women were Kalakua, mother of King Liholiho, her sister Namahana, and two wives of Chief Kalanimoku. The missionary wives were Lucy Thurston, Lucia Holman, Sybil Bingham, Nancy Ruggles, Mercy Whitney, Jerusha Chamberlin, and Elisha Loomis.”

“The missionaries supplied the scissors and furnished the native women with calico patchwork to sew. Sewing calico piecework was new to the ranked Hawaiian women, but the geometric and symmetrical patterns associated with quilting were not.”

“The Hawaiian women were taught both types of quilt making. The pieced variety technique was used to make geometric repeated blocks, and the appliqué style used the ‘snowflakes’ method.” (Cao and Park)

Lucy Thurston, the wife of one of the first missionaries, recorded in her journal (1882): “Monday morning, April 3rd [1820], the first sewing circle was formed that the sun ever looked down upon in his Hawaiian realm.”

“Kalakua, queen-dowager was directress. She requested all the seven white ladies to take seats with them on mats, on the deck of the Thaddeus. Mrs. Holman and Mrs. Ruggles were executive officers to ply the scissors and prepare the work. … The four native women of distinction were furnished with calico patchwork to sew-a new employment to them.” (Thurston)

“For the first few years the missionary wives spent a great deal of time sewing for the upper class Hawaiians.”

“These ladies preferred to spend their time instructing the Hawaiians in spiritual matters and when regular supplies of fabric and patterns arrived from the mainland, the missionary wives began teaching Hawaiians to sew”.

“According to Wild, the missionaries’ instructional program included other domestic arts in addition to sewing lessons, and both sexes were welcomed into the domestic arts classes.”

“Leftover scraps of fabrics from the lessons were used to teach patchwork quilting. As they began learning to quilt, Hawaiian women incorporated traditional and familiar kapa designs into their quilts.”

“As part of the assimilation and acculturation processes, western fabric, fashions and quiltmaking were integrated into Hawaiian material culture. As this happened, the making of kapa began to decline, and by the end of the nineteenth century, kapa production waned.”

“To the Hawaiian seamstresses, it probably seemed illogical to cut new materials into small pieces only to be sewn together to make a patchwork quilt.”

“It was quite natural, therefore, that the Hawaiian women would move toward individual designs as they were accustomed to producing original designs with their own kapa beater and wood-blocks from which they made kapa designs of their own.”

“It is not known exactly when, or even how the appliquéd Hawaiian quilt evolved. What is most striking about the Hawaiian quilt is the appliqué technique in which a large sheet of fabric is folded, cut into a design, then stitched onto a contrasting background, followed by contour quilting around the motif.”

“Both in technique and style, Hawaiian appliqué reminds us of paper snowflakes made by schoolchildren, a contemporary remnant of cut paper work that was popular in the northeastern United States during the early decades of the nineteenth century.” (Arthur)

In addition, 9-year-old Huldah, daughter of missionary Samuel Ruggles made her own patchwork quilt, it is featured in the image. It was recently on display at Hawaiian Mission Houses. It is made from scraps; images of other clothing are also included in the album (from which Huldah Ruggles used scraps to finish her quilt).

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Huldah Ruggles Quilt-HMH

Huldah Ruggles Quilt-HMH and Garment-Huldah Ruggles used scarps of material for quilt

Huldah Ruggles Quilt-HMH

Garment-Huldah Ruggles used scarps of material for quilt

July 21, 2019 by Peter T Young Leave a Comment

Umu

In 1846, Article V of the “Statute Laws of His Majesty Kamehameha III” was published. The law defined the responsibilities and rights the konohiki and people had to the wide range of fishing grounds and resources. It codified the prior traditional and customary fishing practices.

The law also addressed the practice of designating kapu or restrictions on the taking of fish, tribute of fish paid to the King and identified specific types of fisheries from the freshwater and pond fisheries to those on the high seas under the jurisdiction of the Kingdom.

Section II of the law stated, “The fishing grounds from the reefs, and where there happen to be no reefs from the distance of one geographical mile seaward to the beach at low water mark, shall in law be considered the private property of the landlords whose lands, by ancient regulation, belong to the same”.

Therefore, a typical ahupuaʻa (what we generally refer to as watersheds, today) was a long strip of land, narrow at its mountain summit top and becoming wider as it ran down a valley into the sea to the outer edge of the reef. If there was no reef then the sea boundary would extend into the deep water.

While Hawaiʻi has some fantastic reefs, there are areas where there are no reefs (i.e. sandy bottom or muliwai (estuaries and river mouths where flowing freshwater prevented coral growth.))

So, how can a konohiki and the tenants of an ahupuaʻa that does not have a reef fronting the land fish for reef fish?

Like today, in many cases, the ancient Hawaiians built artificial reefs. They were called umu (or imu.)

In Hawaiʻi, as well as other areas of Polynesia, rock shelters were constructed that provided protections and sources of food for reef fish.

Large and small stones were piled into walls with an underwater chamber. Algal growth on the rocks provided them a source of food. Small fish attracted larger fish. Openings in the rock piles allowed small fish to hide.

These rock piles acted like naturally-occurring rock outcrops and coral reef habitats. They provided protection from predators and a food supply for reef fish.

“Such shelters were quite common in the islands. On Oʻahu, evidence of their existence has been found in Kāneʻohe Bay and around Kahaluʻu and Waiʻāhole.” (Kanahele)

“Besides providing stability and some protection from predators, these shelters also helped to regulate fish growth and potentially increase fish stocks by serving as artificial homes for fish to congregate and reproduce.” (Kikiloi)

Some of the prominent fish species that inhabited these shelters were squirrelfish (u‘u), unicornfish (kala), surgeonfish (manini), goatfish (moano), greater amberjack (kahala), parrotfish (uhu) and eels (puhi). (Kikiloi)

“These were the predecessors of present-day attempts to attract fish to Waikīkī and other places with artificial reefs.” (Kanahele)

The Territory of Hawai`i began looking into the possibility of installing artificial shelters in areas of sparse natural habitat. Back in 1957, the proposed purpose of these shelters was to increase and enhance opportunities for fishermen.

In 1961, the State’s first artificial reef was created at Maunalua Bay, off Kahala, Oʻahu (74 acres). Then, in 1963, two more artificial reefs were created off Keawakapu, Maui (54 acres) and Waianae, Oʻahu (141 acres).

A fourth artificial reef was created in 1972 off Kualoa, O`ahu (1,727 acres). The Ewa Deepwater artificial reef (31 acres) was built in 1986.

Unlike the other four reefs, which were deployed at depths of 50-100 feet, the Ewa reef was sunk in 50-70 fathoms (300-420 feet) of water for “new” bottomfish habitat.

Initially, car bodies were the primary material used to construct artificial reefs. Then, from 1964-1985, concrete pipes were mainly used to build these reefs. In addition, several barges and minesweeper vessels were sunk.

From 1985-1991 the program used concrete and tire modules as the main artificial reef components. Other items used included derelict concrete material, barges, and even large truck tires.

From 1991 to the present, materials deployed have mainly been concrete “Z-modules” (4-feet by 8-feet, with 1-foot high “legs” on end of opposing sides.) Other components include barges, derelict concrete material and several small vessels.

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July 14, 2019 by Peter T Young Leave a Comment

Kūkaniloko Birthstones

The Kūkaniloko Birthstones site is one of the most significant cultural sites on O‘ahu. This significance was recognized in the listing of the site on the National and Hawai’i Registers of Historic Places.

Kūkaniloko means “to anchor the cry from within.”

The 5-acre site was acquired by the State of Hawaiʻi in 1992 and placed under the jurisdiction of State Parks to preserve and interpret this important historic site.

Kūkaniloko was one of two places in Hawai‘i specifically designated for the birth of high-ranking children; the other site was Holoholokū at Wailua on Kauai.

These royal birthing sites maintained the antiquity and purity of the chiefly lineages on O‘ahu and Kauai. It is said that chiefs from Hawai‘i Island and Maui often sought greater prestige by marrying those with these strong ancestral lineages.

The site is marked by 180 stones covering an area of about ½-acre. Many of these stones have surface depressions and fluted edges with a coating of red dirt. These surfaces are probably a combination of natural weathering and human craftsmanship over many generations.

Today, they appear as very smooth, round, “sit-spots” in the rocks, with no signs of tools or human workmanship; only their uniform symmetry and design would indicate human craftsmanship.

One can immediately visualize the use of these stone “sit-spots” in childbirth, for many of them have natural backrests behind the depressions, which would have given firm support to a straining mother-to-be. It is small wonder that these birthstones would have been revered and reserved for childbirth for chiefesses.

With assistance from her attendants, the chiefess would lean against the stone and follow the prescribed regulations for birthing (liloe kapu).

Beginning with the birth of Kapawa, Kūkaniloko became recognized as the royal birthsite on O’ahu. Based on genealogical records, the dates of Kapawa’s birth range from A.D. 1100 to A.D. 1400, but the date could be earlier.

A child born in the presence of the chiefs was called “he ali‘i” (a chief), “he akua” (a god), “he wela” (a blaze of heat). The births of at least 4 renown chiefs of O‘ahu are recorded at Kūkaniloko – La‘a (ca. 1420,) Mā‘ilikūkahi (ca. 1520,) Kalanimanuia (ca. 1600) and Kākuhihewa (ca. 1640).

The reign of these chiefs was marked by good deeds, peace and prosperity.

This place was so highly viewed that, even in later times, Kamehameha I, in 1797, previous to the birth of his son and successor, Liholiho (Kamehameha II,) made arrangements to have his birth take place at Kūkaniloko; but the illness of Queen Keōpūolani prevented that (Liholiho was born in Hilo.)

Major trails crossed the island and intersected near Kūkaniloko. The Waialua Trail ran from Waialua through Wahiawā to ‘Ewa. The Kolekole Trail from Wai‘anae crossed the Wai‘anae Range and joined the Waialua Trail near Kūkaniloko.

To the south of the birthstones is the Wai‘anae Mountain Range with prominent peaks such as Kaʻala and a dip known as Kolekole. According to oral tradition, these features create an image of a pregnant woman known as “wahine hāpai.”

From Kūkaniloko, the setting of the sun at peaks (pu‘u) along the Waiʻanae Range could be observed and used as a calendar. Some of the stones at Kūkaniloko may have been used as reference points to observe the sun setting behind, Mt. Ka‘ala at the equinox.

Likewise, it is believed that alignments and marking on the stones illustrate navigational directions. (Today, September 22, 2012) is the Autumnal Equinox; from Kūkaniloko, the setting sun is aligned with Mt. Kaʻala.)

Wahiawā is translated as place of rumbling. It is said that Wahiawā is where thunderstorms, the voices of the ancestral gods, welcomed an offspring of divine rank. Being the center of O‘ahu, Kūkaniloko is also symbolic of the piko (navel, as well as center) and thus, birth.

The site is managed and maintained through a partnership between DLNR-State Parks, the Hawaiian Civic Club of Wahiawā and the Friends of Kūkaniloko. Additional support for interpretive efforts at the site has been provided by the Wahiawā Hospital Association and the Wahiawā Community and Business Association.

The Kūkaniloko birthstones are located next to a dusty (or muddy) plantation road and are partially surrounded by former pineapple fields. The turn-off from Kamehameha Highway just north of the town of Wahiawā, at the Whitmore Village intersection.

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