General | Page 17 | Images of Old Hawaiʻi

September 16, 2025 by Peter T Young 2 Comments

Water Crisis

Neglect of the islands’ forests would be “suicidal,” for “everything fails with the failure of our water supply”. (Lyon; DLNR)

“Not enough rain and not enough water in the streams are great evils”.

“It appears to me to be unnecessary to again go deeply into the theory of the relation between forests and rainfall when all intelligent and observing people admit that the decrease or increase of rainfall goes pari passu (‘hand-in-hand’) with the decrease or increase of the forests.”

“The forest, which not only produces rain, but also retains the rainwater, holding it among its leaves and branches, its undergrowth, its myriads of roots and rootlets and its fallen debris, letting the rainwater trickle down slowly to the water streams and keeping them supplied for a long time”.

“(T)hat forest is not there. Rain pours down, the water rushes in torrents through the streams to the sea and soon after everything is dry again.” (Gjerdrum to HSPA, 1897)

Prior to 1820 all of Honolulu’s domestic drinking water was obtained from natural springs and the small river that runs through Nuʻuanu Valley.

Honolulu with its deep water port, abundant natural resources and friendly people soon became a favorite way station for whalers and traders crossing the Pacific Ocean.

The requirements of supplying these ships caused a waterfront storage tank to be installed at the lower end of Nuʻuanu Street. The water for that tank came from a taro patch on Emma Street.

The demand for drinking water from various springs and the Nuʻuanu Stream spurred the development of a public water supply distribution system that, upon its completion in 1862 provided water to the residents and businesses in downtown Honolulu. (DLNR)

“The water is pure, sweet, cool, clear as crystal, and comes from a spring in the mountains, and is distributed all over the town through leaden pipes.”

“You can find a hydrant spiriting away at the bases of three or four trees in a single yard, sometimes, so plenty and cheap is this excellent water. Only twenty-four dollars a year supplies a whole household with a limitless quantity of it.” (Twain, April 20, 1866

However, there was concern about the diminishing forests … and, with it, a crisis in the availability of water.

By the 1830s, forested lands in the Islands were in decline. The sandalwood trade had reduced sandalwood populations to such an extent that in 1839, Hawaii’s first forestry law restricted the harvest of sandalwood.

Cattle (which had been introduced in the late-1700s) continued to cause widespread destruction of native forests. (Idol) For many years, cattle were allowed an unrestricted range in the forests so that in many sections the forest is either dead or dying. (Griffith)

The almost total destruction of the undergrowth has allowed the soil to bake and harden thus causing the rainfall to run off rapidly with the resultant effect of very low water during the dry season. (Griffith)

“We are in trouble because we have no firewood and no la‘i (ti leaf,) and no timber for houses, it is said in the law that those who are living on the land can secure the things above stated, this is all right for those living on the lands which have forests, but, we who live on lands which have no forests, we are in trouble.”

“The children are eating raw potato because of no firewood, the mouths of the children are swollen from having eaten raw taro. We have been in trouble for three months, the Konohikis with wooded lands here in Kaneohe have absolutely withheld the firewood and la‘i and the timber for houses.” (Letter from Hio et al to House of Representatives, 1851; Hulili, Ulukau)

It reached a maximum by the late-1800s/early-twentieth century owing to burning of the forests to locate the sandalwood trees, demand for firewood, commercial logging operations, conversion to agricultural and pastureland, the effects of grazing and browsing ungulates (including cattle, goats, and pigs) and increased fire frequency. (Woodcock)

The sugar industry, still concerned about water shortages due to forest decline, sought and succeeded in establishing the forest reserve system, which instituted partnerships between public and private landowners to protect forests.

Due to the cooperation between public and private landowners, and another tax break for conservation of forests on private land in 1909, large scale reforestation, fencing and feral ungulate eradication efforts occurred across the islands.

The forests were transformed during this time, as millions of fast-growing nonnative trees were planted throughout the islands to quickly re-establish watersheds denuded by logging and ungulates.

Impending crisis also led to the development of groundwater wells (today’s primary source of drinking water in the Islands.) The McCandless brothers started drilling the first artesian well in the Hawaiian Islands in the rear of the James Campbell Ranch House at Honouliuli, Ewa District, on the flat land close to the sea.

“Mr. Wilder (then-Minister of the Interior under King Kalakaua) helped us in securing contracts for five wells, to be drilled for His Majesty, King Kalakaua: one in the Palace grounds, one at his home in Waikiki, and three others located on his properties in the outside districts.”

Over the next 55-years, McCandless Brothers drilled more than 700 good wells across the Islands. Their wells helped support and water the growing and expansive sugar and pineapple plantations including ʻEwa, Kahuku, Oʻahu, Waialua and other large producers, and also on the Islands of Maui, Hawaiʻi, Kauai and Molokai.

We are fortunate that 100-years ago (April 25, 1903) some forward thinkers had the good sense to set aside Hawai‘i’s forested lands and protected our forest watersheds under the State’s forest reserve system.

While I was at DLNR, we oversaw nearly 1-million acres of mauka watershed. Healthy forests are a goal for all of us in Hawai‘i, it’s as much about fresh water, erosion control, protected reefs and economic opportunities as it is about trees. (I am proud and honored to have served on the Board of Directors of the Hawai‘i Forest Institute.)

September 7, 2025 by Peter T Young Leave a Comment

Lanai Tsunami

The name Kaluakapo Crater or “Kalua Kapo” means “hole of darkness” (according to the field notes of Stearns, 1936; Keating & Helsley).

Three ancient shorelines (the Mahana, Kaluakapo and Manele) have been described at elevations of 365, 190 and 170 m [1,200, 625, and 560 feet] in the Kaluakapo Crater. Original observations/theories of a fossil-bearing outcrop at 1,200-feet was interpreted as an ancient shoreline.

Subsequently, some argued that this fossil evidence represented the highest inundation of tsunami waves associated with the collapse of the flanks of the Hawaiian Islands chain. (Keating & Helsley)

“Geologists have long debated whether the Hawaiian Islands have been periodically hit by ‘megatsunamis,’ triggered by massive landslides plunging into the ocean.”

“Indeed, several such slides have cascaded from the western flanks of the Big Island–including the 350-cubic-kilometer Alika 2 slide about 120,000 years ago.” (Robert Irion)

“Some researchers think that a megatsunami from that slide deposited coral and seashells high on the slopes of the island of Lanai more than 100 kilometers away.”

“Others reject that interpretation, claiming that the deposits mark the level of shorelines carved into Lanai before tectonic processes lifted the island.” (Robert Irion)

“[T]he giant wave hypothesis (GWH) suggests a submarine landslide southeast of Lanai triggered three ‘giant waves’ that rushed toward Lanai with initial velocities of 149 m/s, at intervals of only one and a half minutes.”

“The first wave reached 190 m elevation on Lanai and eroded the soils and churned up boulders. The second wave reached the 375 m elevation, and picked up the gravels in suspension and stripped the terrain.”

“The third wave reached 190 m high on the island slope taking boulders in suspension, then accelerated down slope, stripping soil and molding the boulders into mound-shaped bed forms.” (Keating & Helsley)

“Computer simulations show that the tsunami would have swamped the other islands as well. ‘These waves were truly catastrophic,’ [Geologist Gary McMurtry of the University of Hawai‘i, Mānoa] says.”

“Still, [McMurtry] notes, they would be about as rare as megatsunamis from asteroids hitting the ocean–grave threats, but extremely unlikely in our lifetimes.” (Robert Irion)

Giant tsunamis, generated by submarine landslides in the Hawaiian Islands, have been thought to be responsible for the deposition of chaotic gravels high on the southern coastal slopes of the islands of Lanai and Molokai, Hawai‘i. Investigators used uranium-thorium dating and a study of stratigraphic relationships.

That late investigation showed that deposits were formed by multiple events, separated by considerable periods of time, thus invalidating the main premise of the ‘giant wave’ theory.

Instead, the gravels were probably deposited during interglacial periods (when sea level was relatively high) by typical Hawaiian shoreline processes such as seasonal wave patterns, storm events and possibly ‘normal’ tsunamis, and reached their present height by uplift of Lanai. (Rubin, et al)

While the general consensus seems to be that a megatsunami was not the culprit, there have been other ‘normal’ tsunami that have impacted Lanai and other Islands.

“It was quite a severe earthquake as I remember. Another scary thing that happened on Lanai was a tidal wave during the building of Kaumalapau Harbor.”

“They were building the breakwater and they had a small locomotive that with the tracks ran out to the end so they could carry boulders out to build up the breakwater.”

“And this tidal wave came and later, we went down to see what damage had been done. And the tracks were twisted in knots and the locomotive was on its side. Ever since then, I’ve been very frightened of tidal waves.”

“No one was injured; it was just this damage because no homes were knocked down where the harbor was. (The homes were built on higher ground, so they were not damaged.)”

No one was working at the time … “I believe that tidal wave came during the middle of the night at a time when there was nobody down there.” (Jean Forbes Adams; UH Oral History, Lanai Ranch)

September 6, 2025 by Peter T Young Leave a Comment

Maliko Gulch Inverted Siphon

At the time of Haiku Sugar Company’s charter in 1858, there were only ten sugar companies in the Kingdom of Hawaiʻi. Five of these sugar companies were located on the island of Maui: East Maui Plantation at Kaluanui; Brewer Plantation at Haliʻimalie; LL Torbert and Captain James Makee’s plantation at Ulupalakua; Haiku Plantation; and Hana.

In 1869, Samuel Thomas Alexander and Henry Perrine Baldwin became business partners and bought 12-acres in Hāmākuapoko (an eastern Maui ahupuaʻa (land division.)) (They later formed Alexander & Baldwin, one of Hawai‘i’s ‘Big Five’ companies – and the only Big Five still in Hawai‘i.)

“The early years of the partnership of Alexander & Baldwin, represented a continual struggle against heavy odds. Haiku plantation had to have water.” (Men of Hawaii)

Then, the government granted Haiku Plantation the right to use the water flowing in streams down the broad slopes of Haleakala to the east of the plantation, and work was at once commenced on a ditch.

“The line, some seventeen miles in extent, with the exception of a few miles near the plantation, passes through the dense forest that covers the side of the mountain, and in running the levels for the work many large ravines and innumerable small valleys and gulches were encountered.”

“In the smaller of these the ditch winds its way, with here and there a flume striding the hollow, while through nine of the larger the water is carried in pipes twenty-six inches in diameter.”

“The digging of the ditch was a work of no small magnitude. A large gang of men, sometimes numbering two hundred, was employed in the work, and the providing of food, shelter, tools, etc, was equal to the care of a regiment of soldiers on the march.”

“As the grade of the ditch gradually carried the work high up into the woods, cart-roads had to be surveyed and cut from the main road to the shifting camps.”

“All the heavy timbers for flumes, etc., were painfully dragged up hill and down, and in and out of deep gulches, severely taxing the energies and strength of man and beast, while the ever-recurring question of a satisfactory food supply created a demand for everything eatable to be obtained from the natives within ten miles, besides large supplies drawn from Honolulu and abroad.”

“At the head of the work many difficult ledges of rock were encountered, and blasting and tunneling were resorted to, to reach the coveted water.” (FL Clarke, Thrum’s Annual, 1878)

Then came Maliko Gulch.

Maliko Gulch was too wide (and it was too expensive) to pipe the water via a bridge. They installed an inverted siphon in order to cross Maliko Gulch. Maliko Gulch is a deeply incised stream valley with some sections of the valley floor more than 400 ft below the upland surface. (USGS)

“As the East Maui Irrigation Company report notes, Alexander planned to ‘pipe water across the gulch by means of a 1,110-foot-long inverted siphon.” (Witcher, Civil Engineering)

An inverted siphon uses a leakproof pipe that the ditch water flows into; the pipe is laid down, across and back up the Gulch ( and ends at a lower elevation than the where the ditch collects the water) – gravity pushes the water up the other side, into another ditch at the other side of the gulch.

“While work on the ditch was thus progressing, pipe makers from San Francisco were busied riveting together the broad sheets of iron to make the huge lengths of tube fitted to cross the deep ravines.”

“These lengths had each to be immersed in a bath of pitch and tar which coated them inside and out, preserving the iron from rust, and effectually stopping all minute leaks.”

“The lengths thus prepared being placed in position in the bottom of the ravines, the upright lengths were fitted to each other (like lengths of stove-pipe) with the greatest care, and clamped firmly to the rocky sides of the cliffs.”

“Their perpendicular length varies from 90 feet to 450 feet; the greatest being the pipe that carries the water down into, across, and out of Maliko gulch to the Baldwin and Alexander Plantations.”

“At this point every one engaged on the work toiled at the risk of his life; for the sides of the ravines are almost perpendicular, and a ‘bed’ had to be constructed down these sides.”

“Then each length of pipe was lowered into the ravine and placed carefully in position; after which the perpendicular lengths were built up to the brink.” (FL Clarke, Thrum’s Annual, 1878)

“When the ditch builders came to the last great obstacle, the deep gorge of Maliko, it became necessary in connection with the laying of the pipe down and up the sides of the precipices there encountered, for the workmen to lower themselves over the cliffs by rope, hand over hand.”

“This at first they absolutely refused to do. The crisis was serious.”

Just a few years before, “In 1876, while engaged in adjusting machinery at the sugar mill at the Pā‘ia plantation. Mr. Baldwin almost lost his life by being drawn between the rolls.”

“The engineer fortunately witnessed the accident and reversed the engine, but not before the right arm had been fearfully mangled almost up to the shoulder blade. The amputation was not followed by any serious results, but the handicap was a severe one to so energetic a worker as was Mr. Baldwin all his life.” (Mid Pacific, February 1912)

Back to the Maliko Gulch inverted siphon installation … while the workers initially refused, “[the one-armed] Baldwin met it by himself sliding down the rope, using his legs and his one arm, with which he alternately gripped and released the rope to take a fresh hold lower done.” (Arthur Baldwin)

“This was done before his injured arm had healed and with a straight fall of two hundred feet to the rocks below! The workmen were so shamed by this exhibition of courage on the part of their one armed manager, that they did not hesitate to follow him down the rope.”

“To keep the heart in them and to watch the progress of the work, Mr. Baldwin day after day went through this dangerous performance.” (Arthur Baldwin)

“Straining their financial resources almost to the breaking point, the young partners [Alexander and Baldwin] succeeded in bringing to completion the Hāmākua-Haiku ditch, the first important irrigation project in the islands.”

“The eventual enormous success of this enterprise made possible the great future of Alexander and Baldwin. Pā‘ia plantation was started and other extensive acreages were added to the partners’ holdings.” (Men of Hawaii)

September 4, 2025 by Peter T Young Leave a Comment

Ah Ping

Chun “Ah Ping left Yen Ping district, China. when onJy 20 years old and sailed to Los Angeles where he remained one year. Here he signed a three year contract to come to Hawaii with about 150 other Chinese as a laborer in Hawaii’s growing sugar industry.”

“Upon arrival he was sent to Molokai with 13 of his countrymen to work on the Kamalo sugar plantation owned by Dan McCorriston. He found only two Chinese on Molokai upon his arrival.”

“He laughs out loud when he is reminded of the first Kamalo sugar plantation mill. This mill was wind powered and only one stalk of cane at a time could be fed to the tiny rollers. ‘Sometime cane too big must cut in half,’ he says. …”

“After two years at this plantation, they were suddenly informed that the plantation was being closed down … Receiving no funds. the little group of Chinese disbanded in disgust and moved to other islands. From here, he went to Puunene plantation where he was employed as u camp cook for five years.”

He then went to Kipahulu plantation and became its manager. He remained there for nine years. “He then left for Honolulu in 1915, bought what is now the Nuuanu hotel and retired. In 1921.”

“However, the urge to do things became so insistent that he moved to his present location at Kilohana where he has been operating a large store with the help of his sons.” (SB, Sep 8, 1939) The store was “Right across the road [from] the fish pond, ‘Ualapu‘e Fishpond.” (Joseph Ah Hong Ah Ping, UH Oral History)

“I had to leave school when I was sophomore to help my father in the store, ’cause he cannot go haul freight thirteen miles from our store to Kaunakakai Wharf. Hard, eh? That’s why I left school to go home help my father.”

After Chun Ah Ping’s death (July 9, 1948), his son Joseph Ah Hong Ah Ping and his brothers ran the store – the only store on the east end of Molokai with a gasoline pump.

“Yeah, general merchandise. Working shoes, all kinds, shirt, pants, canned goods, sugar, rice, flour, all kind. Grass knife, you know, cane knife, all the hoe and that pick and shovel.”

“All the kind people want, eh. General merchandise, mix up all kind. Country, eh. Sometimes we order nails, too. Sometimes people like paper roofing, we order paper roofing, you know, all that. Regular country store.” (Joseph Ah Hong Ah Ping, UH Oral History)

“I do regular general merchandise and the poi shop. There’s a little building on the side … We used to get our taro from Halawa Valley. Every week we grind. Sometimes ten bags, like that, twelve bags of [taro]”. (Joseph Ah Hong Ah Ping, UH Oral History)

“Early days had plenty wholesalers. Theo [H] Davies used to be grocery, American Factors had grocery department. All that. Early days, salesmen, every month they come take order.”

“We [used to] deliver [groceries]. See, cause when they buy rice, they no buy ten pound, twenty pound. They buy all hundred-pound bag rice, you know, for the whole month.”

“And feed for the hog; barley, scratch feed, and middling for the pigs or whatever it is, chicken like that. Used to get the feed from Fred Waldron Feed Store [in Honolulu]. Those feed barley come in eighty-five-pound bag.” (Joseph Ah Hong Ah Ping, UH Oral History)

“They get horse those days and get the hitching post where you tied your horse. You go in the back [of Ah Ping Store], all the old folks live in this district all behind, gambling. And they carry gun; they get their gun with them.”

“Get maybe five, six Hawaiians sitting down gambling, all talking Hawaiian and laughing. We used to go watch them. But you no see that [anymore]. Everybody owned horse in the old days. Was dirt road, yeah, over here. Never had the paved road, nothing.” (William “Billy” Kalipi, Sr, UH Oral History)

“And then that was really handy ‘cause he had liquor, too. (Chuckles) Yeah, whiskey. And [Joseph] Ah Hong [Ah Ping] was terrific. Anytime at night (he’d open up), ‘Oh, we want a bottle.’” (Laura Duvauchelle Smith, UH Oral History)

“Crack seed, too, was selling. They say ono, the crack seed. I said, ‘Honolulu get.’ The retail stores. And they say, ‘No ‘ono, Honolulu kind.’ They come they buy two pound, three pound, take Honolulu. Some of them buy about four pound to send to the states.”

“I said, ‘Why? Honolulu get.’ ‘Chee, we get from Honolulu. But funny, the taste is different.’ … Shave ice, once in a while we made. … Yeah, those days all gone.” (Joseph Ah Hong Ah Ping, UH Oral History)

“[They sold] dry goods and perishables. They (sold) all kinds (of things). Not bad. (It) was a good store. They had everything in there. They (sold) gasoline, (crack seed from China, cans of corned beef, sardines, Vienna sausage. Also dried fish, salt salmon, butterfish, and even laahp cheung).”

“They made poi, too. You know, they (used to) grind (the taro in the) machine (to make poi. The machine was operated by gasoline using the pulley system.) People were fortunate to get the store (in ‘Ualapu‘e). They (didn’t) have to (go) all the way to Kaunakakai because the store (was) centralized.” (John K. Iaea, Sr, UH Oral History)

People used to meet at the store to talk story … “Oh, sometimes some politician come over, stop, see people there and talk. Early days. … They used to come [from Maui] on a sampan, about three miles away from our store.”

“Then get a car and come check on different county matters. Then they go back. … Yeah, all those old politicians all gone.” (Joseph Ah Hong Ah Ping, UH Oral History)

“[I]f you get good health, you like live in the country, [Molokai is] all right. If your health is not good, it’s no use. When you sick, doctor far away, no specialist. It’s hard, you know. You go on a diet, you cannot have the proper food. You shorten your life.”

“Country, mostly eat canned goods, you know, people. They don’t go hunting. Goat, deer, or what, you no can go hunting every time. Most times in country they eat canned goods, corned beef, tomato sardine. All that eat all the time. Dried codfish, all kind.”

“The doctor no recommend you eat that kind. You see, that’s why you go visit all right, but live permanent – your health not good – no use. Better stay Honolulu.” (Joseph Ah Hong Ah Ping, UH Oral History)

“Ah Ping Store was like a family store. You know, people who didn’t have money, they charge it until payday. Then they have a book that they write it down, you know, how much you charge on what day. And then when you get paid, they go down there and pay.” (Shizue Murakami Johnson, UH Oral History)

As for working in stores … “’Nough. Tired already, store life.” (Joseph Ah Hong Ah Ping, UH Oral History)

They also had knives … when I was a kid, a coveted pocketknife was the ‘Ah Ping’ knife from Molokai, at least that is what we called it. Lots of sizes, wooden handles in a regular pocketknife format (the larger was the most favored).

September 1, 2025 by Peter T Young Leave a Comment

Labor Day

Hawai‘i is an exceptional case in American labor history because of its workforce made up of mostly non-white and immigrant workers.

The sugar planters increased the labor supply as needed to decrease labor’s demands. The major sugar planters grew into five big companies that eventually dominated the Islands’ economy.

Alexander & Baldwin, American Factors, Castle & Cooke, C Brewer and Theo H Davies before long constituted a power in the islands that controlled virtually all business and commercial as well as public employment opportunities.

Over the years in successive waves of immigration, the sugar growers brought to Hawai‘i 46,000 Chinese, 180,000 Japanese, 126,000 Filipinos as well as Portuguese and Puerto Ricans, each one used generally to offset the bargaining power of its predecessor.

“It was advantageous to have on your plantation groups from different ethnicities so that if one of them got it in their mind to strike that you would still be able to get things done by the other groups,” says William Puette, the Director of the Center for Labor Education and Research at the University of Hawai‘i – West O‘ahu.

“That obviously, they didn’t admit to this but it laid the groundwork for them to be able to have one group pitted against the other by making sure that they didn’t play well together.”

Hawai‘i’s labor unions during this period were organized based on ethnic groups. Sugar planters pinned these distinct groups against each other by difference in wages, hiring more workers from different countries, and used the Portuguese as a model minority.

Hawaii’s workers attempted strikes since the beginning of the sugar industry beginning in the 1800s. Some of the more significant in size occurred in 1909, 1919, 1924, and 1937.

In 1935, President Roosevelt, as part of his New Deal legislation, passed the Wagner Act giving workers the legal right to organize unions that could demand employer recognition. (UH West O‘ahu Center for Labor Education and Research)

Some unions were able to win small gains, but most strikes were broken and workers were forced to return to the plantations with harsher treatment. (Martinez)

Hawaiian officials expressed harsher anti-union attitudes by undermining the National Labor Relations Board, canceling union contracts, and threatening workers.

Employers froze wages to show that employees would not be hired in other locations. In addition, anti-Japanese hysteria after the bombing of Pearl Harbor deepened discrimination on the islands.

Blake Clark, a professor at the University of Hawaii, wrote in 1942, “A great many mainland Americans believe that most of the Japanese in Hawai‘i are hiding around in the canefields, ready at a signal to leap out and stab us in the back.”

Intimidated Japanese Hawaiians, who made up a significant portion of plantation labor, halted organizing. Police on the islands jailed anyone who did not follow the laws and ILWU membership froze to about 900 from the start of war until 1944.

Pent-up rage made workers receptive to ILWU organizers, due to the difficult conditions of life. Living quarters were more compressed as shacks “averaged less than 500 square feet for a family of five, with as many as eight persons living in a room of about 100 square feet,” and most homes lacked indoor plumbing.

When families requested maintenance of their housing or working facilities, managers deducted the cost from their pay. Controversy also spread about children on plantations in Hilo, working and missing school days.

The timing was ripe. Union organizers mobilized on the islands by speaking to workers’ grievance, as union power surged following the war. Workers from different ethnic and national backgrounds were soon convinced to join the union with each other.

Members of the ILWU went door to door to explain the need to unite under their union and strike in order to gain better wages and working conditions. Union bulletins, newspapers, voting ballots, and contracts were printed in each of the workers’ native languages.

The Sugar Strike of 1946 began on Labor Day. It was the first strike to ever shut down Hawai’i’s powerful sugar industry. More than 26,000 plantation workers and their families went on strike for nearly three months, closing all but one of 34 plantations across the island chain. (HPR)

The strike succeeded in changing the balance of power between workers and the plantation. In collective bargaining, the ILWU secured benefits such as housing, medical, pensions, and wages, as inherent rights for workers instead of privileges granted as favors by plantation owners.

“The politics of Hawai‘i would never be the same after that. And certainly labor relations would not be the same after that,” says Puette.

“Leadership in all the different areas would not be the same because you started to see the rise of people from the different ethnic groups, not just Japanese, but Filipinos, and everybody else which you wouldn’t have seen without that landmark strike of 1946.”

Based on the US Bureau of Labor Statistics, noting Union affiliation of employed wage and salary workers by state, 2019-2020 annual averages, Hawai‘i ranks #1 in 2020 with Percent of Employed – Members of Unions (23.7%) and Represented by Unions (25.7%). New York is #2.