Peter T Young

November 6, 2016 by Peter T Young Leave a Comment

‘Aumakua

The Hawaiian Kumulipo is a genealogical prayer chant linking the royal family to which it belonged not only to primary gods belonging to the whole people and worshiped in common with allied Polynesian groups, not only to deified chiefs born into the living world within the family line …

… but to the stars in the heavens and the plants and animals useful to life on earth, who must also be named within the chain of birth and their representatives in the spirit world thus be brought into the service of their children who live to carry on the line in the world of mankind. (Beckwith)

There were also family gods, and gods for individuals. Each family had its own ʻaumakua (personal god) that watched over and protected them.

For some it was a shark, others a pig, and so on. It was thought that spirits could communicate to the living through dreams and often appeared in the form of the family’s ʻaumakua.

Hawaiian traditions surrounding ritual practice allowed for the reciprocal exchange of mana (spiritual power) between the ʻāina (land, earth) the akua, and kānaka.

These rituals varied from strict ceremonies accompanied by mōhai (offerings) of food and sacrifice, to the utterance of a chant or prayer. (Pukui)

Beckwith explains, “The great gods each had his own form of worship, his priests and heiaus, his own special symbols of ritual distinction…”

“Besides the great gods there were an infinite number of subordinate gods descended upon the family line of one or another of the major deities and worshiped by particular families or those who pursued special occupations.”

Malo further explains, “Each man worshipped the akua that presided over the occupation or the profession he followed, because it was generally believed that the akua could prosper any man in his calling.”

And so with this way of life, it became a custom for kānaka to approach any kind of undertaking with the acknowledgement of Hawaiian deities and their various manifestations.

In the upland forest, there were several cultural activities that involved ritual protocol. For example, the god Kū was invoked when gathering material for luakini (temple) construction, kālai kiʻi (image carving), and ritual objects.

“If the King was minded to worship after the rite of Kū, the heiau he would build would be a luakini. The timbers of the house would be of ʻōhiʻa, the thatch of loulu palm or of uki grass. The fence about the place would be of ʻōhiʻa with the bark peeled off.”

“The lananuʻu-mamao had to be made of ʻōhiʻa timber so heavy that it must be hauled down from the mountains. The same heavy ʻōhiʻa timber was used in the making of the idols for the heiau.” (Malo)

Canoe construction was another activity that involved ritual practice in the upland forest. Malo explains that when a koa tree was chosen for a canoe, the kahuna took the axe of stone and called upon the gods: “O Kū-pulupulu, Kū-ala-na-wao, Kū-moku-haliʻi, Kū-ka-ʻieʻie, Kū-palalake, Kū-ka-ʻōhiʻa-laka.”

These were the male deities. Then he called upon the female deities: “O Lea and Ka-pua-o-alakai.” In another instance, bird-catchers would appeal to the god Kū-huluhulu.”

It is written in the book titled, Nānā I Ke Kumu, “With little formality, the Hawaiian would ask forgiveness for taking from nature’s bounty.”

The bird-catcher would speak to Kū in his manifestation as a god of hulu (feathers): “Oh Kū-huluhulu, forgive me for catching this bird and taking his feathers. They are needed for a kihei [mantle] for my chief [named]…” (Pukui)

Plant gathering for medicinal use was another occasion in which certain akua were called upon. For example, Kū and his wife Hina were invoked when medicinal plants were gathered, as they are the akua associated with the male and female properties in healing plants and in ritual. (Pukui)

The native Hawaiian relationship with the ʻāina is spiritually guided by reverence and a deep seeded respect. This connection is depicted in the Kumulipo, a highly detailed genealogical creation chant, where kānaka descend from Papahānaumoku, Earth Mother, and Wākea, Sky Father.

Therefore, to disrespect the land is to disregard one’s ʻohana. So sustaining a pono connection to the ‘āina, or that which feeds, is essential to the balance of all life and to the well-being of our society. (Kumupa‘a) (Image by Patrick Ching.)

Follow Peter T Young on Facebook

Follow Peter T Young on Google+

Follow Peter T Young on LinkedIn

Follow Peter T Young on Blogger

Hidden Valley-Iiwi-PatrickChing

November 4, 2016 by Peter T Young Leave a Comment

Land Management

The social structure shaped and reinforced land management.

“(I)n the earliest times all the people were alii (chiefs) … it was only after the lapse of several generations that a division was made into commoners and chiefs” (Malo)

Kamakau noted, in early Hawaiʻi “The parents were masters over their own family group … No man was made chief over another.” Essentially, the extended family was the socio, biological, economic and political unit.

Because each ʻohana (family) was served by a parental haku (master, overseer) and each family was self-sufficient and capable of satisfying its own needs, there was no need for a hierarchal structure.

As the population increased and wants and needs increased in variety and complexity (and it became too difficult to satisfy them with finite resources,) the need for chiefly rule became apparent.

As chiefdoms developed, the simple pecking order of titles and status likely evolved into a more complex and stratified structure. The actual number of chiefs was few, but their retainers attached to the courts (advisors, konohiki, priests, warriors, etc) were many.

Most of the makaʻāinana (common people) were farmers, a few were fishermen. Tenants cultivated smaller crops for family consumption, to supply the needs of chiefs and provide tributes. Kapu (restrictions/prohibitions) were observed as a matter of resource and land management, among other things.

The traditional land use in the Hawaiian Islands evolved from shifting cultivation into a stable form of agriculture. Stabilization required a new form of land use and eventually the ahupua‘a form of land management was instituted (what we generally refer to as watersheds, today.)

In addition, this centralization of government allowed for completion and maintenance of large projects, such as irrigation systems, large taro loʻi, large fish ponds, heiau and trails.

Ahupuaʻa served as a means of managing people and taking care of the people who support them, as well as an easy form of collection of tributes by the chiefs. Ultimately, this helped in preserving resources.

The ahupuaʻa boundaries reflected the pattern of land use that had evolved as the most efficient and beneficial to the well-being of the ʻohana, as the population expanded throughout previous centuries.

This pattern of land use and the boundaries were adopted and then instituted by the ruling chiefs and their supervisors to delineate units for the annual collection of the Makahiki Harvest Season offerings to them as the land stewards of Lono, God of Agriculture. (McGregor & MacKenzie)

Dr Marion Kelly noted there were three main technological advances resulting in food production intensification in pre-contact Hawai‘i: (a) walled fishponds, (b) terraced pondfields with their irrigation systems and (c) systematic dry-land field cultivation organized by vegetation zones.

Hawaiians built rock-walled enclosures in near shore waters, to raise fish for their communities and families. It is believed these were first built around the fifteenth century.

The ancient Hawaiian fishpond is a sophisticated land and ocean resource management technique. Utilizing raw materials such as rocks, corals, vines and woods, the Hawaiians created great walls (kuapā) and gates (mākāhā) for these fishponds.

The general term for a fishpond is loko (pond), or more specifically, loko iʻa (fishpond). Loko iʻa were used for the fattening and storing of fish for food and also as a source for kapu (forbidden) fish.

Samuel M. Kamakau points out that “one can see that they were built as government projects by chiefs, for it was a very big task to build one, (and) commoners could not have done it (singly, or without co-ordination.)” Chiefs had the power to command a labor force large enough to transport the tons of rock required and to construct such great walls.

A second technological invention by Hawaiian Polynesians was the development of their extended stone-faced, terraced pondfields (lo‘i) and their accompanying irrigation systems (ʻauwai) for the intensive cultivation of wetland taro (kalo.)

The terraces were irrigated with water brought in ditches from springs and streams high in the valleys, allowing extensive areas of the valleys to be cultivated. The irrigation ditches and pondfields were engineered to allow the cool water to circulate among the taro plants and from terrace to terrace, avoiding stagnation and overheating by the sun, which would rot the taro tubers.

An acre of irrigated pondfields produced as much as five times the amount of taro as an acre of dryland cultivation. Over a period of several years, irrigated pondfields could be as much as 10 or 15 times more productive than unirrigated taro gardens, as dryland gardens need to lie fallow for greater lengths of time than irrigated gardens.

The third form of subsistence intensification involved the systematic cultivation of dryland crops in their appropriate vegetation zones as exemplified by the Field Systems in Kona, Kohala, Kaupō and Kalaupapa (Kaʻū reportedly also has a field system.)

Cultivation of the soil in Kona was characterized by a variety of non-irrigated root and tree crops grown for subsistence, each farmer having gardens in one or more vegetation zones. Each crop was cultivated in the zone in which it grew best.

Reverend William Ellis described the area behind Kailua town in Kona above the breadfruit and mountain apple trees as, “The path now lay through a beautiful part of the country, quite a garden compared with that through which they had passed on first leaving the town.”

“It was generally divided into small fields, about fifteen rods square fenced with low stone walls, built with fragments of lava gathered from the surface of the enclosures. These fields were planted with bananas, sweet potatoes, mountain taro, paper mulberry plants, melons, and sugar-cane, which flourished luxuriantly in every direction.”

The fields were typically oriented parallel to the elevation contours and the walls; sometimes these were made up of a grid of rain-fed plots, defined by low stone field walls built, in part, to shelter sweet potatoes and other crops from the wind.

Since the dryland technique was away from supplemental water sources, this was truly dryland agriculture. There was no evidence to level terraces as in irrigated pondfield systems (taro lo‘i,) and there was no evidence of water control features or channels; so the conclusion was the system was strictly rainfed.

The condition of the common people was that of subjection to the chiefs, compelled to do their heavy tasks, burdened and oppressed some even to death. The life of the people was one of patient endurance, of yielding to the chiefs to purchase their favor. The plain man (kanaka) must not complain. (Malo)

Follow Peter T Young on Facebook

Follow Peter T Young on Google+

Follow Peter T Young on LinkedIn

Follow Peter T Young on Blogger

c. 1826 lithograph, William Ellis C., Big Island. Waipio Valley, Ahupua’a.

November 3, 2016 by Peter T Young Leave a Comment

Early Recognition of Importance of Hawai‘i to US Trade

“The importance of the Sandwich Islands to the commerce of the United States, which visits these seas, is, perhaps, more than has been estimated by individuals, or our government been made acquainted with.”

“To our whale fishery on the coast of Japan they are indispensably necessary: hither those employed in this business repair in the months of April and May, to recruit their crews, refresh and adjust their ships; they then proceed to Japan, and return in the months of October and November.”

“It is necessary that these ships, after their cruise on Japan, should return to the nearest port; in consequence, a large majority resort to these islands, certain here to obtain any thing of which they may be in want.”

“A small proportion, however, of these vessels have proceeded for supplies and refreshments, in the fall, to the ports on the coast of California …”

“… but as the government of Mexico have now imposed a duty of two dollars and one eighth, per ton, on every ship that shall anchor within their waters, whether in distress or otherwise, this will, of course, prevent our whale ships from visiting that coast; and the Sandwich Islands will then remain as the only resort for them, after their cruise on the coast of Japan.”

Of the ships that visited the islands, all but a small fraction were American. “The commerce of the United States, which resorts to the Sandwich islands, may be classed under five heads, viz.:”

“First, Those vessels which trade direct from the United States to these islands, for sandal-wood, and from hence to China and Manilla, and return to America.” (Annually, the number may be estimated at six.)

“Second, Those vessels which are bound to the north-west coast, on trading voyages for furs, and touch here on their outward-bound passage, generally winter at these islands, and always stop on their return to the United States, by the way of China.” (The number may be estimated at five.)

“Third, Those vessels which, on their passage from Chili, Peru, Mexico, or California, to China, Manilla, or the East Indies, stop at these islands for refreshments or repairs, to obtain freight, or dispose of what small cargoes they may have left.” (The number may be estimated at eight.)

“Fourth, Those vessels which are owned by Americans resident at these islands, and employed by them in trading to the northwest coast, to California and Mexico, to Canton and Manilla.” (The number may be estimated at six.)

“Fifth, Those vessels which are employed in the whale-fishery on the coast of Japan, which visit semi-annually.” (The number may be estimated at one hundred.).” (John Coffin Jones Jr, US Consulate, Sandwich Islands, October 30th, 1829)

“When we reflect that, only a few years since, the Sandwich Islands were not known to exist, when but lately they were visited only by a few ships bound to the north-west coast of America …”

“… and these merely stopping to purchase a few yams or potatoes, and that now there annually come to this remote corner of the globe forty thousand tons of American shipping, with the sure prospect that in no long protracted period this number will double …”

“… we are led to conclude, that the Sandwich Islands will yet be immensely more important, to the commerce of the United States which visits these seas, than they have been.”

“The annual, if not semi-annual, visit of one of our ships of war to these islands, is conceived to be necessary; and would, no doubt, be attended with the best advantages, affording to our commerce, in these seas, protection, assistance, and security.”

“For this station, a sloop of war would be sufficient for every purpose required; and, if so arranged as to visit these islands in the months of March, April, and May, and again in October and November …”

“… every desired object would then be effected, and the result be, that our merchantmen, and whalers would come to the islands with perfect security; their tarry here made safe, and many abuses and inconveniences with which they are now shackled, would be done away.”

“The very knowledge that a ship of war would semi-annually be at the Sandwich Islands, would be of infinite service to our commerce in general, which enters the waters of the North Pacific ocean.”

“Since my residence on these islands, as an officer of government, I have repeatedly, in the discharge of my official duties, felt the want of protection and aid from the power of my government.”

“I have been compelled to see the guilty escape with impunity; the innocent suffer without a cause; the interests of my countrymen abused; vessels compelled to abandon the object of their voyage, in consequence of desertion and mutiny …”

“… and men, who might be made useful to society, suffered to prowl amongst the different islands, a disgrace to themselves and their country, and an injury to others, whom they are corrupting, and encouraging to do wrong.”

“I would suggest … the propriety of recommending to our government that a ship of war be detached for the protection of American commerce in these waters, that she be required annually to visit the Society and Marquesas Islands, and, semi-annually, the Sandwich Islands …’

“… that in the intermediate periods when she might not be employed at such islands, it shall be required that she visit the ports of California and Mexico, to afford protection to our commerce and citizens in that quarter, where they have for a long time been suffering under the abuses of an ill-regulated government.” (John Coffin Jones Jr, US Consulate, Sandwich Islands, October 30th, 1829)

Follow Peter T Young on Facebook

Follow Peter T Young on Google+

Follow Peter T Young on LinkedIn

Follow Peter T Young on Blogger

‘Port_of_Honolulu’,_watercolor_and_graphite_on_paper_by_Louis_Choris-1816

Honolulu_Harbor-Choris-1822

Honolulu Harbor-Ships pulled by canoes-Henry Walker-1843

November 1, 2016 by Peter T Young 1 Comment

Timeline Tuesday … 1790s

Today’s ‘Timeline Tuesday’ takes us through the 1790s – including John Young and Isaac Davis joining Kamehameha, Vancouver visits, Battles of Kepaniwai and Nu‘uanu, etc. We look at what was happening in Hawai‘i during this time period and what else was happening around the rest of the world.

A Comparative Timeline illustrates the events with images and short phrases. This helps us to get a better context on what was happening in Hawai‘i versus the rest of the world. I prepared these a few years ago for a planning project. (Ultimately, they never got used for the project, but I thought they might be on interest to others.)

Follow Peter T Young on Facebook

Follow Peter T Young on Google+

Follow Peter T Young on LinkedIn

Follow Peter T Young on Blogger

October 31, 2016 by Peter T Young Leave a Comment

Hawaiian Sugar Planters’ Association (HSPA)

From 1835, when the first successful commercial plantation was started at Kōloa, Kauai, to 1999, when one of the last sugar plantations ceased operations, over 100 sugar plantations and mills played a major role in the economic and social history of Hawaii. (UH Manoa)

Sugar industry members first organized together in 1882 as Planters’ Labor and Supply Company; the initial issue of the Planters Monthly (1882) noted that present publications (newspapers) “do not seem adquate avenues for the discussion of matters pertaining to the agriculture of a country.”

“The questions of labor, methods and cost of planting operations, methods of sugar making, dangers to which crops may be exposed from insects, plant diseases, and other causes, labor saving and sugar machinery, markets for produce, live stock, manures and other topics of similar importance can better be discussed in a publication devoted to their consideration.”

Over the years, The Planters’ Labor and Supply Company … (served as) a voluntary organization of persons and corporations in interested sugar industry. … (It had as its) objects and purposes the improvement of the sugar Industry, the support of an experiment station, the maintenance of a sufficient supply of labor, and the development of agriculture in general.” (Evening Bulletin, 1909)

Then, “After two days’ session the Planters’ Labor and Supply Company has passed out of existence and a new name substituted, under which much better results are hoped for.” (Hawaiian Gazette, November 29, 1895)

An 1895 newspaper announcement noted By-Laws of the newly formed Hawaiian Sugar Planters’ Association (HSPA) (evolved from the Planters’ Labor and Supply Company.)

“This Association shall be known as the Hawaiian Sugar Planters Association and shall have for its objects the improvement of the sugar industry, the support of an experimental station and laboratory, the maintenance of a sufficient supply of labor, and the development of agriculture in general.”

“Members of this Association may be Sugar plantations or Mill Companies and individuals who are directly interested in Sugar plantations or Mills, but the Trustees of this Association may at their discretion admit other plantation companies and individuals engaged in other agricultural pursuits.” (The Independent, November 27, 1895)

HSPA was funded by the industry through self-assessments on each ton of sugar produced. The charge was determined based on the amount the board approved in the operating budget for HSPA. Each plantation company contributed based on the tons sugar produced.

The HSPA not only conducted scientific research in areas of improved seed, fertilization, and irrigation practices but also centralized management information and decision-making among the various plantations as it became a repository for knowledge of the sugar industry in Hawai’i.

HSPA was early to recognize to see the need to protect the Islands’ water supplies by reforesting mauka areas. On November 21, 1906, HSPA resolved that it “hereby expresses its hearty approval of the policy of setting apart forest reserves, inaugurated and now being prosecuted by the Territorial authorities …”

And that rangers should be provided “to guard and protect such reserves from fire, trespassers and depredation, (and) By the initiation of systematic reforesting of such portions of said reserves as are not now covered with trees”.

They later followed up in December 1916, resolving that “the public interests of the Territory urgently require that a systematic working plan for reforesting the several islands, more particularly the Island of Oahu, from the standpoint of the conservation of water, should be drawn up, adopted, and put into execution at as early a date as practicable”.

In 1919, the HSPA bought 124-acres and Harold Lyon was put in charge of a newly created Department of Botany and Forestation for the Territory of Hawai‘i. He organized the first plant pathology Department established in any US Experiment Station, and also developed the Manoa Arboretum for botanical studies (renamed the Harold L Lyon Arboretum after his death in 1957.)

“Members and administrators of the HSPA appear to acknowledge the difficult physical nature of manual labour in the sugar cane fields.” “Evidence from the early 1920s suggests that there were attempts by Hawaiian sugar plantation management to develop processes that measured individual productivity.”

“It was seen as an undertaking to reward individual efforts and help alleviate labour shortages that continued, albeit at a lower rate, through the 1930s Great Depression.” (Dyball & Rooney)

As an organization representing one of the largest industries in Hawai‘i prior to World War II, the HSPA and its members wielded great economic and political influence. (Nakamura)

Through the 1950s sugar was the dominant economic engine of the Hawaiian Islands. The owners and operators of the factory companies and plantations set the economic, social and political tone of the Islands. (HARC)

HSPA built its main experiment station and administrative facilities at Makiki in 1917 (much of its former outplanting area is now the fields of the Makiki District Park;)in the early-1970s HSPA moved to a new facility in Aiea.

In addition to that, HSPA had a large leased area at Waipiʻo, the Helemano Variety Station, the Ewa Variety Station, the Kailua Substation, the Manoa Arboretum (late known as the Lyon Arboretum, and a few other O‘ahu sites.

On the Island of Hawaii there are four cane variety units (in Hilo, Hāmākua, Kohala and the Hawai‘i Seed Nursery,) as well as other facilities. Kauai had the Kauai Variety Station at Lihue; the Maui substation was at HC&S and Molokai had sugar-cane quarantine facilities.

As plantations began, merged and closed, the business records of these enterprises were often lost or placed in jeopardy. In 1981, HSPA created the Plantation Archives to serve as a repository for records of plantations that chose to donate their records. In 1995, the collection was donated to the University of Hawai‘i at Manoa Library. (UH Manoa)

The organization changed its name again in 1996 to Hawai‘i Agriculture Research Center (HARC) which reflects its expanding scope to encompass research in forestry, coffee, forage, vegetable crops, tropical fruits, and many other diversified crops in addition to sugarcane.

In addition to serving Hawaii’s agricultural industries through research and immediate response teams to solve problems, HARC helps other local, national, and international organizations meet their research, on-site consulting, and training needs.

HARC offers a wide array of agricultural services. Mainland seed companies take advantage of Hawaii’s favorable weather conditions by utilizing HARC’s field and nursery services for winter growouts, seed increases, and testing. The analytical chemistry laboratory specializes in residue studies conducted according to EPA Good Laboratory Practices. (HARC)

Follow Peter T Young on Facebook

Follow Peter T Young on Google+

Follow Peter T Young on LinkedIn

Follow Peter T Young on Blogger