Peter T Young

June 21, 2017 by Peter T Young Leave a Comment

Chinese Wo Hing Society Temple and Cookhouse

Some suggest Captain James Cook’s crew gave information about the “Sandwich Islands” when they stopped in Macao in December 1779, near the end of the third voyage.

In 1788, British Captain John Meares commanded two vessels, the Iphigenia and the Felice, with crews of Europeans and 50-Chinese. Shortly thereafter, in 1790, the American schooner Eleanora, with Simon Metcalf as master, reached Maui from Macao using a crew of 10-Americans and 45-Chinese. (Nordyke & Lee)

Crewmen from China were employed as cooks, carpenters and artisans, and Chinese businessmen sailed as passengers to America. Some of these men disembarked in Hawai’i and remained as new settlers.

The growth of the Sandalwood trade with the Chinese market (where mainland merchants brought cotton, cloth and other goods for trade with the Hawaiians for their sandalwood – who would then trade the sandalwood in China) opened the eyes and doors to Hawaiʻi.

The Chinese referred to Hawaiʻi as “Tan Heung Shan” – “The Sandalwood Mountains.” The sandalwood trade lasted for nearly half a century – 1792 to 1843. (Nordyke & Lee)

Starting in the 1850s, when the Hawaiian Legislature passed “An Act for the Governance of Masters and Servants,” a section of which provided the legal basis for contract-labor system, labor shortages were eased by bringing in contract workers from Asia, Europe and North America. The first to arrive were the Chinese (1852.)

“These Chinese were taken to the plantations. There they lived in grass houses or unpainted wooden buildings with dirt floors. Sometimes as many as forty men were put into one room.”

“They slept on wooden boards about two feet wide and about three feet from the floor. … (T)hey cut the sugarcane and hauled it on their backs to ox drawn carts which took the cane to the mill to be made into sugar” (Young – Nordyke & Lee)

The sugar industry grew, so did the Chinese population in Hawaiʻi. Between 1852 and 1884, the population of Chinese in Hawai’i increased from 364 to 18,254, to become almost a quarter of the population of the Kingdom (almost 30% of them were living in Honolulu.) (Young – Nordyke & Lee)

During the years 1852-1898, many thousands of Chinese came to Maui to work on sugar plantations and in sugar mills. Chinatown in Lahaina began as one-story shops and housing on Front Street, and as more Chinese were attracted to the area, two-story wooden buildings were built to accommodate them.

Between 1869 and 1910 over thirty secret societies that have their roots in seventeenth century China were established in the Islands, six on Maui. These secret societies were formed to politically re-establish the deposed Ming dynasty.

The societies in Hawai‘i were not significantly interested in the political aspects of the parent societies. However, these societies made financial contributions to the 1911 Chinese revolution conducted by Sun Yat-Sen.

These local clubs were mutual aid societies which met social and recreational needs of its members providing funeral services and burial, protective services and made contributions to their members.

The Wo Hing Society – Wo, meaning “peace and harmony” and Hing, meaning “prosperity” – a branch of the Chee Kung Tong in Lahaina was incorporated in 1905 and the original structure repaired in 1906. “The extensive improvements at the Wo Hing Society House will be completed in season for the Chinese New Year’s festivities.” (Maui News, December 23, 1905)

The Society was an important aspect of cultural and social life for its immigrant Chinese members. Since many of the early Chinese immigrants were single men the society provided a fraternal structure which was a substitute for the absent family.

The Chinese Tong Society was a club opened to men sixteen to sixty. An initiation fee was paid and members participated in rigorous initiation rites and took an oath based on thirty-six codes of morality, brotherhood, patriotism and chivalry. Members could be identified by special gestures, secret chopstick maneuvers and passwords.

The members would meet to exchange news of China with people from other island , and read, or have read to them Chinese newspapers. The festivals and celebrations have included the Kuan Ti festival , to celebrate the god, the New Year festival to celebrate the Chinese New Year, the Ching Ming in April , when offerings were made to ancestral graves.

In 1912, using private donations, the society built a two-story temple on Front Street; the society provided social contacts, support in times of crisis, and housing for retired workers. It is believed that the present building replaced the older structure.

Upstairs is a temple with an altar for religious ceremonies, downstairs was the social hall and adjacent was the cookhouse. It served the growing Chinese population centered in Lahaina.

By the 1940s the declining Chinese population in Lahaina slowly made the building redundant and the property was neglected. In 1983, Lahaina Restoration Foundation took steps to restore this valuable site for Lahaina.

Under a long-term agreement with the Wo Hing Society, the foundation provided funds to bring the buildings back to life and maintain them as a museum. (Lots of information here is from Lahaina Restoration Foundation and National Park.)

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Wo Hing Temple Founders, Chung Koon You and Chan Wa-WC

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June 20, 2017 by Peter T Young 2 Comments

Kidwell’s Mānoa Pineapples

John Kidwell was born January 17, 1849 in the small north Devonshire village of Marwood. At the age of fifteen (in 1864,) he left home to become an apprentice to a second cousin, who was a nurseryman in London. He emigrated to the US in 1872 and became a nurseryman in San Francisco.

In 1882, with letters of introduction, Kidwell sailed to Honolulu. At the time, there was great demand for fresh Hawaiian pineapples in San Francisco. He acquired shoots of wild pineapple from Hawaii Island and set out to plant them in Mānoa (1885.) (Hawkins)

“‘Diversified industries’ have been one of the gospels rung in the ears or rather paraded before the eyes of the people of this country by the press for many years.”

“That everything in the direction indicated has not been preaching is proved by instances of very gratifying practice. One of these cases is that of Mr J Kidwell’s farm at Wailele Manoa Valley, The Advertiser reporter mounted that gentleman’s wagon on Friday and was driven by him out through Punahou to his estate.”

“Mr Kidwell has thirty six acres at Wailele all cultivable but only a portion of it cleared. The principal crop now growing is of pine apples there being different varieties covering the greater part of four acres. Without irrigation and notwithstanding the prolonged scarcity of rain the plants are flourishing in appearance even to luxuriance.”

“They are also fruiting finely and the owner is not harassed with doubt as to thorough success of the crop. Ground is cleared for more planting of the same fruit besides which there is room where grapevines have been taken out for rows between some of the present ones.”

“Mr Kidwell besides having been a practical farmer all his life is also an energetic one. During the few months he has been in possession of this farm he has with very little hired help eliminated a quantity of lava boulders and stones from the soil which would have appalled a man of less grit.”

“There is the making of a very fine place in this property and Mr Kidwell is bound to have it such. There are natural springs of excellent water centrally situated which occupy a patent windmill in pumping into a tank and system of pipes.”

“Almost anything capable of cultivation in the country can be raised on the farm but at present the owner is making a specialty of pineapples. A grove of young lime trees looks luxuriant in spite of drought and indicates a profitable fruit that may be raised in odd pockets or borders.”

“An excellent style of fowl yard enclosed with an airy but substantial article of wire netting is tenanted by many feathered bipeds of high breeds. This is another diversification of profitable home industry that the proprietor can incidentally carry on with comparatively little trouble.”

“The place is very pleasantly situated amid the finest scenery Diamond Head Round Top other on the highest mountain peaks on this island and the Pacific Ocean being all in the surrounding prospect.” (Hawaiian Gazette, April 2, 1889)

In 1885, Kidwell started a pineapple farm with locally available plants, but their fruit was of poor quality (Hawkins, 1997). That prompted him to search for better cultivars; he later imported 12 ‘Smooth Cayenne’ plants.

An additional 1000 plants were obtained from Jamaica in 1886, and an additional 31 cultivars, including ‘Smooth Cayenne’, were imported from various locations around the world. ‘Smooth Cayenne’ was reported to be the best of the introductions.

Kidwell is credited with starting Hawai‘i’s pineapple industry; after his initial planting, others soon realized the potential of growing pineapples in Hawaii and consequently, started their own pineapple plantations.

The pineapple cultivar that would form the foundation of the future Hawai‘i industry had become well established in the islands, presumably because it was vigorous, productive, tolerant of most pests and diseases, and had fruit of good quality that canned well. (Bartholomeow)

The “development of the (Hawaiian) pineapple industry is founded on his selection of the Smooth Cayenne variety and on his conviction that the future lay in the canned product, rather than in shipping the fruit in the green state.” (Canning Trade; Hawkins)

The commercial Hawaiian pineapple canning industry began in 1889 when Kidwell’s business associate, John Emmeluth, a Honolulu hardware merchant and plumber, produced commercial quantities of canned pineapple.

Emmeluth refined his pineapple canning process between 1889 and 1891, and around 1891 packed and shipped 50 dozen cans of pineapple to Boston, 80 dozen to New York, and 250 dozen to San Francisco.

One of the last laws passed by the Legislative Assembly before the overthrow had been an act to encourage the cultivation, canning, and preserving of pineapples in an attempt to diversify the economy away from sugar.

For a period of ten years after 1892, all tools, machinery, appliances, buildings, and all other personal property used in the cultivation, canning, or preserving of pineapples and held for export had been exempted from all taxes.

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June 19, 2017 by Peter T Young 1 Comment

Kona Hotel

From 1899 to 1926, Hōlualoa was a sugar town; coffee was cut down to make way for fields of sugarcane, which surrounded Hōlualoa. The sugar plantation carried the region’s economy, and Holualoa became its commercial center.

Plantation camps sprang up near the mill and along the length of the railway. Catholic, Protestant and Buddhist churches were established to serve the multiethnic community.

Luther Aungst chose Hōlualoa as headquarters for the Kona Telephone Company, started in the 1890s. Using mules to drag telephone poles across lava flows, Aungst installed a line from Hilo to Ka‘u, and across Kona to North Kohala.

Dr Harvey Saburo Hayashi from Aomori-ken, Japan, one of Kona’s first full-time resident physicians and publisher of Kona’s first newspaper, the Kona Echo, lived there.

The Kona Sugar Company started in 1899 with ambitious plans to create a major sugar plantation in Kona. The company built Kona’s first sugar mill above Kailua Village in 1901.

The mill site was near Waiaha Steam. But water was not sufficient to properly process the cane; in 1903, the company went broke. Other investors tried to keep it alive, but the plantation failed in 1926.

Sugar’s collapse spelled economic ruin for many people. Coffee kept Hōlualoa alive, but just barely. Young people looking for employment left North Kona in droves, finding work in Honolulu or the mainland. (Kona Historical Society)

It was at this time (1926,) when Zentaro and Hatsuyo Inaba opened their 11-room Kona Hotel in 1926, they advertised “Rooms and Meals”.

The business was quickly a going concern in Hōlualoa town and initially catered to traveling businessmen like the Love’s Bakery salesman. They also welcomed the occasional tourist traveling from Hilo, via Volcano, in modified Packard ‘Sampan’ automobiles. (Pulama ia Kona)

“My father was Zentaro Inaba. That’s my stepfather. My mother was Hatsuyo Inaba. Her maiden name was Hatsuyo Miyamoto. Now, my real father, when I was very young, left for the Mainland.”

“And subsequent to that, my [step]father came to Kona and married my mother. As far as I’m concerned, I don’t know my real father. Ever since my childhood, my father was Zentaro Inaba.”

“I think they came here during the latter part of the 1890s. Mother came to Kona with my father – that is, Kitao – and my stepfather came from Pāpaʻikou to Kona. He was one of the contract laborers in Pāpaʻikou.”

“You know, those days, because of the pressures, because of the treatment that they had in the plantation under a contract system, he was dissatisfied. So, he actually ran away from his contract and came to Kona.”

“He used to tell me how he came to Kona. He travelled at night. He was afraid of being caught during the day. And from Pāpaʻikou to Kona, it took him three days to get to Kona.”

“He settled in Kona. As soon as he settled in Kona, he started working for the LS Aungsts – Luther Aungst’s family as a cook. He cooked for the family for 17 years, I think. I think it was about 17 years that he cooked for the Aungst family.”

Then, “they built that hotel – Kona Hotel – in 1926. So, they were running the hotel. … Father used to cook, and mother used to clean the rooms and so on. And they had a girl there that did the rooms. Mother did the laundry and things like that. And father did the cooking.”

“Who were the people who used to stay at the hotel? … Oh, most of them were salesmen … Travelling salesmen. Then, we’d have tourists come in once in a while. Because, at that time, the only hotels were the Kona Inn and Manago Hotel in Kona. And, of course, my folks’ hotel.” (Minuro Inaba, Social History)

“I guess his cooking ability was the reason they opened the hotel. The hotel food was western and Father was quite a cook. He always served soup which was well liked by the customers … beef soup.”

Zentaro and Hatsuyo’s son Goro and wife Yayoko continued the family tradition and today the historic Kona Hotel is still operated by the Inaba ‘ohana. (Pulama ia Kona)

By 1958, just over 1,000 people lived in Hōlualoa area. The construction of Kuakini Highway in the early-1950s reduced traffic through town even further.

Tourism and a coffee boom have brought new life to Hōlualoa. Eager entrepreneurs have transformed old garages and empty houses into galleries showcasing art of every description, some of it produced by artists who grew up in Hōlualoa.

Friendly family-run businesses such as Kimura’s Lauhala Shop, the Kona Hotel, and thrice-named Paul’s Place (formerly Tanimoto General Store in the 1890s, and later Morikami Store in the late 1920s) keep old Kona alive. (Kona Historical Society)

Ranchers herded their cattle to Kailua Bay where they were shipped out. This process involved lassoing the cattle and pulling them into the bay, where they were lashed onto the gunwales of waiting whaleboats and delivered to waiting ships. The last cattle were shipped out in 1956, when the deep harbor at Kawaihae supplanted the Kailua Harbor. (Kona Historical Society)

I fondly remember, as a kid in Kona, we occasionally got to go sheep hunting at Pu‘uwa‘awa‘a. A regular stop for us on the way home was to see the Inabas at Kona Hotel, where we left with them one of the sheep we shot.

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June 17, 2017 by Peter T Young Leave a Comment

‘Ōpūkaha‘ia Enters Foreign Mission School

As Obookiah, at the time of his entrance into the school at Cornwall, had arrived at an age of considerable maturity, it may be proper that a more particular description should now be given of his person and character.

He was considerably above the ordinary size: but little less than six feet in height, and in his limbs and body proportionably large. His form, which at sixteen was awkward and unshapen, had become erect, graceful, and dignified.

His countenance had lost every mark of dulness; and was, in an unusual degree, sprightly, and intelligent. His features were strongly marked. They were expressive of a sound and penetrating mind. He had a piercing eye, a prominent Roman nose, and a projecting chin.

His complexion was olive, varied equally from the blackness of the African, and the redness of the Indian. His hair was black,
worn short, and dressed after the manner of the Americans.

In his disposition he was amiable and affectionate. His temper was mild. Passion was not easily excited, nor long retained Revenge, or resentment, it if presumed, was never known to be cherished in his heart.

He loved his friends, and was grateful for the favours which he received from them. In his journal and letters are found frequent expressions of affection and gratitude to those who had been his benefactors.

To families in which he had lived, or to individuals who had been his particular patrons, he felt an ardent attachment. One of the latter, who had been separated from him for a considerable time, he met with great delight; …

… and after the first customary salutations, said to him, ‘I want to see you great while: you don’t know how you seem to me: you seem like father, mother, brother, all.’

In his understanding, Obookiah excelled ordinary young men. His mind was not of a common cast. It was such, that, with proper culture, it might have become a mind of the first order.

Its distinguishing traits were sound common sense, keen discernment, and an inquisitiveness or enterprise which disposed him to look as far as his mind could reach into every subject that was presented to his attention.

By his good sense he was accustomed to view subjects of every kind in their proper light; to see things as they are. He seldom misconceived or misjudged.

By his companions his counsel was sought, and regarded as decisive. He had that clear sense of propriety with regard to his own conduct and the conduct of others, which always commands the respect or excites the fear of those who behold it.

Had he been disposed to cultivate a talent for this purpose, he would have become one of the severest of critics upon the manners and conduct of those around him.

Few persons have a deeper insight into the characters of men, or have the power of forming a more just estimate of them, by
their words and actions, than he had.

Few are more capable of perceiving the exact import of language, or are less liable to be deceived as to its real meaning, by a designed ambiguity of terms.

His inquisitiveness existed in relation to all subjects of interest, and disposed him to make himself acquainted with every thing that was known by others, and to discover whatever was within hill reach. The trait was exhibited, especially, in his character as a scholar.

His inquisitive mind was not satisfied with pursuing the usual round of study, but he was disposed to understand critically every
branch of knowledge to which he attended. For this reason, his progress in his studies was not rapid – but as a scholar he was industrious, ingenious and thorough.

His mind was also inventive. After having acquired some slight knowledge of the English language in its grammatical construction, he entered upon the project of reducing to system his own native language.

As it was not a written language, but lay in its chaotic state, every thing was to be done. With some assistance he had made considerable progress towards completing a grammar, a dictionary, and a spelling-book. He had also translated into his native language the whole of the book of Genesis.

These specimens of his industry and ingenuity, when seen, administer severe reproof to the sloth and dulness of most persona of much greater age, and of advantages far superior to his own.

When Obookiah became a member of the Foreign Mission School, he had attended to all the common branches of English education.

In reading, writing, and spelling, he was perhaps as perfect as most young men of our country, of the same age and with common opportunities.

He wrote a legible, manly hand, and acquired the habit of writing with considerable rapidity. He had at this time studied the English Grammar so far as to be able to parse most sentences with readiness. He understood the important rules in common Arithmetic, and had obtained considerable knowledge of Geography.

He had studied also one book of Euclid’s Elements of Geometry, and of his own accord, without a regular instructer, he had acquired such knowledge of the Hebrew, that he had been able to read several chapters for the Hebrew Bible, and had translated a few passages into his native language.

He had a peculiar relish for the Hebrew language, and from its resemblance to his own, acquired it with great facility.

The winter before he came to the school he commenced the study of Latin. This, he pursued principally after he became a member of the Institution.

In his manners, Obookiah was habitually grave and reserved. In the presence of his friends, however, his conversation was often sprightly, and rendered particularly entertaining, by a fondness for humour, for which he was distinguished.

This he oftener exhibited by a quick perception and relish for it in others, than by actually displaying it in himself. Yet he sometimes gave evidence in his own remarks, of possessing no small degree of genuine wit.

When conversing with his companions in their native language, he frequently afforded them much amusement by the pleasant and humorous cast of his conversation.

The customary deportment of Obookiah, however, was serious, and dignity strikingly characterized his manners. Few young men, it is presumed, command so much respect from persons of every age and character.

Notwithstanding the familiarity which he used with his companions, he maintained an influence over them, becoming the relation of an elder brother, or even that of a respected parent.

In his intercourse with them the dignity of hill character was peculiarly visible. A motion of his head often made known to them his will, and obtained the compliance which he desired.

His manners had become in a considerable degree refined. A gentleman of respectability who visited Cornwall, and had a particular interview with him, observed, that he had met with but few persons of any country, more gentlemanly in their manners in intelligent and interesting in their conversation.

Obookiah was a decided and consistent Christian. His conduct was habitually under the influence of principles of piety. He manifested a strong interest in the general prosperity of religion, and expressed in his conversation, as well as his letters and diary …

… ardent desires for the salvation of his fellowmen and especially of his countrymen, for whom he fervently prayed, and in whose behalf he often requested the earnest prayers of his friends. (All text is from Memoirs of Obookiah)

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June 16, 2017 by Peter T Young Leave a Comment

Steward’s House

In the years following his arrival in New England in the summer of 1809, ‘Ōpūkaha’ia would become integral to the founding of the Foreign Mission School in Cornwall, Connecticut.

‘Ōpūkaha‘ia became legendary for his earnest pursuit of an American education. He captured the hearts and Christian spirits of the New Haven community, where he first resided.

‘Ōpūkaha‘ia’s situation encouraged his hosts and community members to explore the possibility of creating a formal school in the US for students like him: “heathens” who were stranded in the US but who were interested in being “civilized” and “saved” nonetheless.

The Foreign Mission School was instituted in the autumn of 1816, and opened in the beginning of May, 1817. “There belong to it a commodious edifice for the school, a good mansion house, with a barn, and other out-buildings, and a garden, for the Principal; a house, barn, &c with a few acres of good tillage land for the Steward and Commons …”

“… all situated sufficiently near to each other and to the Congregational meeting-house, in the south parish of Cornwall, Connecticut, and eighty acres of excellent wood land, about a mile and a half distant.” (American Missionary Register, 1821)

The Foreign Mission School was a religious experiment. Instead of sending missionaries to foreign lands, it brought students to America.

It was believed that a mission school in religiously pious New England would be more efficient and effective than traditional mission schools established within ‘heathen’ settings because it removed these young students from the pagan influences of their native communities.

At the beginning of the school’s tenure, ‘Ōpūkaha‘ia was considered a leader of the student body, excelling in his studies, expressing his fondness for and understanding of the importance of the agricultural labor, and qualifying for a full church membership due to his devotion to his new faith.

Between 1819 and 1826, there were altogether ninety-seven students on the official record. The ages of these ninety-seven students ranged from ten to thirty.

Among them there were forty-three Indians, nineteen Hawaiians, thirteen Americans, five Chinese, three Marquesans, two Greeks, two Jews, two Malays, two Tahitians, one Bengalese, one Hindu, one Javanese, one New Zealander, one Portuguese, and one Scotch.

The year 1819 saw increased diversification of the student body as several Cherokee students arrived in Cornwall. Over the span of its operational years, the FMS taught Native Americans from fourteen tribes: one Abenaquis, eleven Cherokees, five Choctaws, five Delawares, one Mexican, one Mohegan, one Narragansett, two Ojibwas, two Omahas, three Oneidas, three Osages, two Senecas, four Stockbridges, and two Tuscaroras.

Due to the variety in national background, the students’ prior experiences were also enormously diverse. The majority came from seafaring careers; however, others were military personnel, farmers, barbers, coopers, servants and students from other schools.

The object of the School as set forth in the Constitution, is – “The education in our own country of Heathen Youths, in such manner, as, with subsequent professional instruction will qualify them to become useful Missionaries, Physicians, Surgeons, School Masters, or Interpreters …”

“… and to communicate to the Heathen Nations such knowledge in agriculture and the arts, as may prove the means of promoting Christianity and civilization.” (Missionary Herald, January 1821)

Students studied penmanship, grammar, arithmetic, Latin, Greek, rhetoric, navigation, surveying, astronomy, theology, chemistry, and ecclesiastical history, among other specialized subjects.

Students rose around 5 or 6 am and ate breakfast together at 7 am in the dining room of the steward’s house. Daily classes ran from 9 am to noon, and again from 2 to 5 pm, with all sessions taking place on the first floor of the main school building just across the street from the steward’s house.

Curricula operated at various levels, as some of the pupils were more advanced in their studies while others where just learning basic literacy – the more advanced students helped teach the others.

Academics were balanced with mandatory outdoor labor. Students were tasked with the maintenance of the school’s agricultural plots and assigned to labor in the fields “two (and a half) days” a week and “two at a time.” Additionally, the school enforced strict rules for students’ social lives and study times.

The months of May and September included scheduled vacation times for the school’s boarded students; however, only certain pupils were authorized by the administration to “go abroad.”

Much of the Foreign Mission School’s campus buildings were acquired through donations. The citizenry of Cornwall donated fourteen acres of land as well as the building that would become the main educational site, which had been built in 1797 as a school house.

The ground floor of the school building housed one large classroom, while the second floor was refurbished for students’ quarters. Located near this school building was the Principal’s house. Purchased in 1815, the Principal’s house was acquired before the establishment of the school was complete.

The third of the main campus buildings, and certainly the most social and vibrant, was the Steward’s house. This building was constructed in 1814 by architect Eber Maxfield and was sold to the school. The exchange of property included 18-more acres that were used for agriculture by the students and staff.

As a site for regular and informal interactions between students and Cornwall residents, the Federal-style farmhouse (built 1814) served as the steward’s family home, the school dining hall, a boarding house and a nurse room for sick students. (Connecticut Trust for Historic Preservation)

According to the school ‘constitution,’ the role of the Steward was to “superintend the agricultural interests of the school,” though the actual responsibilities necessitated far more involvement with both the school’s operations and the students’ daily lives.

Over time, the Steward’s role expanded to include counseling and skills training. The Steward was expected to reside in the Steward’s House on the school campus. Thus, because of the consistent level of daily activity that mixed different communities within this house, the Steward remained abreast of the major events and social issues happening within the student body.

Steward’s duties were broadened to include supervising the school’s landed properties, training the scholars in the art of agriculture, bookkeeping and managing the FMS accounts, assuring a steady supply of firewood, buying and selling livestock, arranging travel for staff and students, providing the students with clothing, and hosting visitors, among others tasks.

Over time, there was an increased the level of care given to the students outside of their academic activities and instituted greater involvement between the steward’s family and the student body. For example, the steward’s wife was in charge of the kitchen and cooking.

Daily, she prepared bread and meals for all of the students. She also outfitted the students with new clothes and tended to the laundry and repair of these items. And, she was also primarily in charge of the students’ medical care.

Whenever one of the students fell ill, “he was moved into the Steward’s house” to live with the family for as long as was necessary for recovery. These duties also fell to daughters of the steward, who were effectively housewives in training.

The year the school opened, it housed twelve students. Enrollment doubled to twenty-four by the second year. Four students left as seven others joined in the school’s third year, bringing the enrollment to twenty-seven.

In the fourth and fifth years, enrollment rose to twenty-nine and thirty-five students, respectively. By the seventh year, however, the student body dropped to twenty-four. The school experienced another spike in enrollment in its eighth year with thirty-six pupils from seventeen different nations.

In its ninth year, the school’s population once again decreased, this time to twenty-five. By the time the school closed in 1826, only fourteen students remained.

Operated from 1817 to 1827, the Foreign Mission School remains the first and last experiment in a domestically located “foreign” mission and represents educational and social politics concerning racial tolerance, Asian and Native American migration, and American identity in the early 19th century.

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