Images of Old Hawaiʻi

by Peter T Young Leave a Comment

Lewalewa Settlement

“[Gilbert] Islanders were brought [to Hawai‘i] in different ships under contracts for labor work during the years 1880 and 1882. In the contract was a clause agreeing to ship the Gilbert Islanders back to their homes after conclusion of the contracts.”

“[Many] of them were employed on Koloa plantation, Kauai, and a large proportion were taken back according to agreement. Others remained. It is stated, voluntarily. Many it is claimed were not offered passages.  During their stay here the Islanders have kept themselves in colonies.” (Hawaiian Gazette, Oct 16, 1903)

“An outcome of the scattering of poor South Sea Islanders after the destruction of Chinatown in January of last year, was the building of a mushroom village of shacks within the breakwater on the Waikiki side of the channel [into Honolulu Harbor]”. (Pacific Commercial Advertiser, Sep 9, 1901)

By that time, residential construction began with the filling of fishponds, marshes and mudflats starting with the area closest to downtown Honolulu; Kakaʻako flourished as a residential settlement where immigrant workers joined the Hawaiian community to form areas such as Squattersville, a shantytown which sprang up along the district’s makai border.  (KSBE)

“Within this rock wall enclosure several sand spits have been formed by the action of the tides, and upon these the homeless and destitute people from the South Seas built their squalid homes”.

“That these people are poverty stricken is evidenced by the makeshift affairs which they call their homes. Driftwood, boards secured from any chance place, pieces of tin, boxes, crates and general debris are the component parts of these odd, misshapen structures, which they have erected to shelter them.”

“Picturesque as the village may seem to the stranger who visits it, the Board of Health has determined that cleanliness shall be the first rule of the place”.  (Pacific Commercial Advertiser, Sep 9, 1901)

“For some time many [of the Gilbert Islanders] lived in a settlement of huts on sand enclosed by the stone wall built, into the sea at Kakaako, back of the Quarantine wharf.”

“There they supported themselves by fishing, the women assisting by braiding hats and mats. … The Gilbert Islands being a British protectorate the colonies here are under the control of that country and British Consul Hoare has taken a strong interest in the matter of sending them home.” (Hawaiian Gazette, Oct 16, 1903)

“The Lewalewa settlement, or the South Sea Island settlement, as it is more commonly known, which has existed on the breakwater enclosure beyond the boathouses, for several months, is doomed.”

“The Board of Health says that too many deaths from tuberculosis have occurred there, and with the co-operation of Captain Merry, who has charge of the Naval Station here, it is hoped that the settlement may be removed.”

“Since the plague of last year this sand spit, protected by the stone breakwater, has been a refuge for the poverty-stricken South Sea Islanders. They built small shacks of driftwood, and almost anything that would keep out wind and rain, and have eked out a miserable existence”.

“Yesterday the question of the health of the inhabitants of that interesting village was brought up and the statement made that there was at present too much tuberculosis in the place. Deaths have been numerous from this cause, and it was declared that a change of conditions must take place there.” (PCA, June 6, 1901) They later moved to Kalihi. (PCA, Oct 16, 1903)

Later, “Acting Governor Atkinson and Superintendent of Public Works Holloway had a meeting this morning with the representatives of seventeen families of Hawaiians who have ‘squatted’ on land in Kakaako and who were served with notices of eviction at the instance of Mrs. Ward, owner of the property.”

“It appears that the Hawaiians were living principally by fishing in the private fishing right adjoining the land. As a result, it was impossible to lease the fishery.”

“The Hawaiians are all poor people and arrangements are being made to find them homes elsewhere. ‘We hope to place them on lands In Kalihi where they will be all right,’ said the Acting Governor, ‘and thus all parties will be satisfied.’”

“Aside from the fishery proposition complaints were made that the colony of squatters was a somewhat noisy one.” (Hawaiian Star, May 25, 1906)

Even later, a much larger settlement on the ‘Ewa side of Kewalo at Kaʻākaukukui, near the former location of Incinerator Number One at Kaka‘ako, was referred to as “Squattersville” because the residents lived without authorization on land belonging to the Territory of Hawai‘i.

The dwellings that lined the shoreline, where the present Olomehani Street now runs, were protected from the ocean by a low seawall about three feet high.

The community of about 700 Hawaiians and part-Hawaiians was evicted in May 1926 and their homes were razed. The City and County of Honolulu constructed two incinerators and an ash dump at Kewalo (what we now call Kakaʻako Makai).

Despite its use as a refuse dump, the Kaʻākaukukui area continued to be heavily utilized as a fishing and swimming area. (HABS Report)

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Kanuimanu (Keālia Pond)

The Island of Maui formed from two shield volcanoes that were close enough that their lava flows overlapped, forming an isthmus between them.

The oldest volcano, that formed the West Maui Mountain, is about 5,000-feet high. The younger volcano, Haleakalā, on the east side of the island is over 10,000-feet high.

The isthmus that separates the two volcanic masses is formed from erosional deposits and is the prominent topographic feature for which the island is known: “the Valley Isle.”

Keālia was once an ancient fishpond supplied with water from the Waikapū Stream in the West Maui Mountain and Kolaloa Gulch originating from Haleakalā.

Native Hawaiians may have raised awa (milkfish) and ʻamaʻama (flathead mullet) using a system of ditches and sluice gates to let nearby fish from Māʻalaea Beach into the pond.

Established in 1992, Keālia Pond National Wildlife Refuge encompasses approximately 700-acres and is one of the few natural wetlands remaining in the Hawaiian Islands. Located along the south-central coast of the island of Maui, between Kīhei and Māʻalaea.  (USFWS)

A visitor center (2012) with exhibition hall and staff offices, replacing a trailer, was dedicated and is in use at the Wildlife Refuge.  This, with the coastal boardwalk and interpretive signage, gives a great opportunity to see and learn about the Wildlife Refuge.

Seasonal conditions that occur at Keālia Pond National Wildlife Refuge make it a notable place for people to observe Hawai‘i’s endangered wetland birds, along with a diversity of feathered visitors from as far away as Alaska and Canada, and occasionally from Asia.  (USFWS)

At the turn of the century, about 40,000-ducks wintered in Hawaiian wetlands; today, that number is around 2,000. Four of the five native water birds are now classified as endangered.

Keālia Pond serves as a settling basin a 56-square mile watershed that results in seasonal intermittent flooding during winter months and dryer conditions during late summer months.

This creates open water (200-acres) and shallow mud flat areas interspersed with vegetation, which provide suitable resting, feeding, and nesting habitat for endangered water birds. During certain times of the year, the refuge supports at least half of the Hawaiian stilt population.

The pond also supports a diverse group of migratory birds from late summer (August) to early spring (April). It is one of the most important areas in the state for wintering migratory waterfowl.

Migratory shorebirds also congregate here to take advantage of the food resources along the water’s edge. As water recedes, fish are crowded into the remaining water, making them easy prey for ʻaukuʻu (black-crowned night herons).

Baitfish ponds were constructed in the early-1970s for aquaculture of baitfish species; however, the use of these ponds for waterbirds was minimal because of the thick coverage of nonnative, invasive plants on the levees and within the ponds.

This wetland is home to the endangered aeʻo (Hawaiian stilt) and ʻalae keʻokeʻo (Hawaiian coot.) The refuge is adjacent to Keālia Beach, which is a nesting ground for the endangered hawksbill turtle.  (USFWS)

The aeʻo adult males and females are mostly black above and white below, with a long, thin black bill and long pink legs.  Found generally across the Islands, they also call Keālia home.

The total aeʻo population is estimated to be between 800 to 1,100 birds, depending on the amount of rainfall in any given year. Wetlands are essential for natural foraging areas to feed juveniles.  (Goody, WHT)

With between 1,500 and 3,000 individuals, Maui’s Keālia Pond National Wildlife Refuge and Kanaha Pond Wildlife Sanctuary have the second largest population of ʻalae keʻokeʻo in the state (O‘ahu is first).

The ʻalae keʻokeʻo is dark slate gray with a white bill and a large frontal shield (extension of bill onto forehead). The frontal shield is white but some sport a small red dot which is not related to sex or age. ʻAlae keʻokeʻo have white undertail feathers that are visible when adults are defending their territory and during courtship displays.  (Lots of information here from USFWS.)

An interesting phenomenon has happened of late – the pond appears pink. “Preliminary analysis suggests that the color change appears to be the result of a single-celled organism called halobacteria. Officials with the US Fish and Wildlife Service say halobacteria are “salt-loving organisms” found in high salinity water bodies.”

“According to refuge staff, the salinity of water in the Keālia Pond outlet is currently greater than 70 parts per thousand, or twice the salinity of seawater.” (Maui Now)

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Handy & Handy

Edward Smith Craighill (Craighill) Handy was an “ethnologist and anthropologist, who was an authority on Pacific island people.” (HnlAdv Jan 28, 1981)

Handy was born in Roanoke (VA) on September 22, 1893.  He was a 1915 graduate of Harvard University; he also earned master’s and doctoral degrees in anthropology there.

“He had participated in several expeditions to Pacific islands in the 1920s, including some to the Society Islands. He also had been affiliated with the Bishop Museum in Hawaii in the 1920s and early 1930s. He kept up these interests and contacts until the end of his life.”

“After serving as a visiting professor at Yale in the mid-1930s, Dr. Handy returned to his native Virginia and in 1936 became a farmer near Oakton in Fairfax County.”

“Dr. Handy was sought out by others in the fields of ethnology and anthropology. Margaret Mead, author of ‘Coming of Age in Samoa’ and many other noted books, took instruction in the Marquesan language from Dr. Handy.” (Washington Post)

On September 21, 1819, he married Willowdean Chatterson (Jan 10, 1889 – Nov 5, 1965); she was later an anthropologist, attached to the Bernice P Bishop Museum, specializing in Marquesan and Tahitian culture.  They later divorced.

He then married Elizabeth Green Kalb (the Kalb last name was later dropped) (Oct 30, 1896 – Aug 17, 1973).  She was a graduate of Rice Institute, 1916, and a student at the University of Chicago. She won the Carnegie Prize in Texas state intercollegiate oratory contest in 1915.

In 1918 Elizabeth became active in the woman’s suffrage movement and went to work for the National Woman’s Party (NWP) in Washington, DC. She was among the 8,000 marchers who took part in the US Capitol picket.

She was later arrested during a watchfire demonstration in January of 1919, for which she was sentenced to five days in District Jail. She later became the librarian at NWP headquarters where she was in charge of the literature and library department. (Culwell)

In about 1926, her mother, Benigna Green, came to Honolulu to meet Elizabeth, who had been teaching in China.  They liked Hawai‘i so well that they made their home there.  (SB April 14, 1938)

From 1928 through 1933, Elizabeth was the editor of Pacific Affairs (during its first six years of existence). Pacific Affairs is an interdisciplinary scholarly journal focusing on political, economic, and social issues throughout Asia and the Pacific.

At the time, Pacific Affairs’ headquarters was located in Hawai‘i.  (Pacific Affairs has been located on the campus of the University of British Columbia, Vancouver, Canada, since 1961.)  (Pacific Affairs)

ES Craighill Handy married Elizabeth on March 22, 1934 in Honolulu.  Elizabeth’s mother Benigna Green had “devoted her life to working for women’s rights and the advancement of women’s achievements.” She died in an automobile accident near Bakersfield, Cal.  Mrs Amy Otis Earhart, mother of the late Amelia Earhart, was also seriously injured.”

Elizabeth’s mother had gone “to the mainland to meet her daughter, Mrs Edward SC Handy … to spur a search among South Sea islands on the possibility that Miss Earhart and Fred J Noonan might have landed on one of them on their ill fated attempt to fly around the world last July.” (SB April 14, 1938)

ES Craighill Handy and Elizabeth Green Handy collaborated on numerous papers and books. Many included the participation of Mary Kawena Pukui.

“During her years at the museum, Mary Kawena Pukui became the “go to” person for anything Hawaiian. Her time and expertise was always in demand. … The academic works of ESC Handy and Martha Beckwith depended largely on the work of Kawena.”

“She was also a primary source for the works of Dorothy Barrěre, Kenneth Emory, Adrienne Kaeppler Alphonse Korn, Margaret Titcomb and many others.”

Kawena’s long association with the Bernice Pauahi Bishop Museum began when she was asked by Dr. Martha Beckwith for assistance in translating old Hawaiian manuscripts and newspapers around 1923.

Kawena’s skills soon attracted attention from other noted scholars, anthropologists, biologists, etc., who sought her assistance in their own work. She actually worked helping others at the museum for some fourteen years before she was hired as a translator. Museum ethnologist, ES Craighill Handy actually paid her out of his own pocket for her help, which was extensive.

In 1933, Kawena translated manuscripts and added new information from her knowledge, combined with that of her mother, Pa‘ahana, and other Hawaiian friends. The names, Handy and Pūku‘i would appear on notable works in years to come.

“In 1935, Dr. Handy told Pa‘ahana that he and his wife were going on a field trip to Hawai‘i and would like Kawena to go with them.”

“Pa‘ahana gave them her blessing and knowing that her people would not talk to foreigners, she said she would hanai (adopt) them. ‘Now go with your sister to my homeland,’ she said.”

“They were able to gather much information as the word spread about Pa‘ahana’s adopting the Handys, who accompanied Kawena, child of Ka‘ū. Many doors of family and their friends were opened for then.” (Mary Kawena Pukui Preservation Society)

One notable publication from the Handys and Pukui is ‘Native Planters’ (they had many other papers and books). “Originally published in 1972, Native Planters in Old Hawaii is the fruit of a brilliant collaboration between Pacific anthropologist, E. S. Craighill Handy, his wife, Elizabeth Green Handy, and the beloved expert on Hawaiian language and culture, Mary Kawena Pukui.”

“Today, this classic work remains invaluable to scholars and practitioners alike as both a precious ethnographic resource on Hawaiian planting practices and as an in-depth examination of Hawaiians’ relationship to land.”

“The book discusses basic patterns of Hawaiian planting culture, the gods worshipped, class and land divisions, water rights and irrigation techniques, tools, crafts, and general horticultural skills.”

“It includes an examination of how people shaped their cultivation practices to the varied Hawaiian environment, and documents various myths and rituals connected to planting.” (Bishop Museum Press)  Edward Smith Craighill died December 26, 1980.

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Ala Wai Boat Harbor

Waikīkī was well-suited for Hawaiian shallow-draft canoes that did not require deep water and could be easily beached.

Deeper-draft Western ships anchored off-shore, “it is unquestionably the most eligible anchoring place in the island.”  Its advantages were sandy bottom, soft coral, irregular reef and mild surf. Nonetheless, while foreign ships did anchor at Waikīkī, it was not the perfect harbor.  (Vancouver 1793)

“…On rounding Diamond hill the village of Wyteetee (Waikīkī) appears through large groves of cocoanut and bread-fruit trees … A reef of coral runs along the whole course of the shore, within a quarter of a mile of the beach, on which the sea breaks high; inside this reef there is a passage for canoes. Ships frequently anchor in the bay, in from sixteen to twenty fathoms, over a sand and coral bottom.”  (Corney, 1818)

On shore, Waikīkī was famous for its fishponds with one listing citing 45 ponds.  The ten fishponds at Kālia were loko puʻuone (isolated shore fishponds formed by a barrier sand berm) with salt-water lens intrusion and fresh water entering from upland ʻauwai (irrigation canals.)  These were later used as duck ponds.

Following the Great Māhele in 1848, many of the fishponds and irrigated and dry-land agricultural plots were continued to be farmed, however at a greatly reduced scale (due to manpower limitations.)

In the 1860s and 1870s, former Asian sugar plantation workers (Japanese and Chinese) replaced the taro and farmed more than 500-acres of wetlands in rice fields, also raising fish and ducks in the ponds.

Toward the beginning of the 1900s, downtown Honolulu was the destination for Hawaiian visitors, who numbered only about 3,000. While Honolulu had numerous hotels, there were few places to stay in Waikīkī.

In 1891, at Kālia, the ‘Old Waikiki’ opened as a bathhouse, one of the first places in Waikīkī to offer rooms for overnight guests. It was later redeveloped in 1928 as the Niumalu Hotel; the site eventually became the Hilton Hawaiian Village.

In 1906, the US War Department acquired more than 70-acres in the Kālia portion of Waikīkī for the establishment of a military reservation to be called Fort DeRussy.

The Army started filling in the fishponds which covered most of the Fort site – pumping fill from the ocean continuously for nearly a year in order to build up an area on which permanent structures could be built.  Thus, the Army began the transformation of Waikīkī from wetlands to solid ground.

As part of the government’s Waikīkī Land Reclamation project, the Waikīkī landscape was further transformed with the construction of the Ala Wai Drainage Canal – begun in 1921 and completed in 1928 – resulted in the draining and filling in of the ponds and irrigated fields of Waikīkī.

During the 1920s (before Ala Moana Park,) a barge channel was dredged parallel to the shore through the coral reef to connect Kewalo Basin to Fort DeRussy.

Part of the dredge material helped to reclaim wetland that was filled in with dredged coral; this created the area now known as Ala Moana Park (completed in 1934.)

Smaller boats, moored in the dredged area, also traveled along this channel to Kewalo Basin to get out to sea.  While no formal facilities were built, boats anchored in the nearshore waters; this was the beginning of the Ala Wai Boat Harbor.

Portions of the coastal area were used as a public park (1936-1947.)   Around this time, the land was conveyed from the City to the State (1949) and some land-based boat-related uses started popping up.

Ala Moana Park grew in popularity as swimming beach; with growing use and concern for interaction between Park users and boaters, in 1951, a channel was dredged directly out to sea.  The reef rubble that was dredged was used to fill in this old navigation channel (between Kewalo and the Ala Wai Harbor.)

Over the years, the Harbor grew incrementally.

The Ala Wai Small Boat Harbor is the State’s largest recreational boat harbor, among about fifty small boat harbors, launching ramps, jetties, wharves and landings statewide transferred from the Department of Transportation to the Department of Land and Natural Resources, Division of Boating and Ocean Recreation.

It consists of about 700 berths. There are also dry berthing spaces, a harbor agent’s office, comfort stations, showers, paved parking, a launching ramp and pier.

In 2022, there were nearly 333.3-million people in the US. There were close to 12-million registered recreational water vessels in that year, meaning that about 4% of our population owns a recreational watercraft of some sort.

Hawaiʻi, the only island state completely surrounded by water, ranks last (50th) in the number of boats, as well as boats per capita in the country (Florida ranks 1st in the number of boats; Minnesota ranks 1st per capita.)

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Mo‘o-kahuna

There were two orders of temple priests, known as kahuna (experts), or kahuna pule (experts in praying). These were the priests of Ku, the war god, and the priests of Lono, the rain god who was lord of agriculture and of peace.

Each order or ‘school’ of priests had its distinctive genealogy, the mo‘o-Ku and the mo‘o-Lono. These were priests in charge of temple worship. As a caste, the priests of both gods were the mo‘o-kahuna.

Malo describes the two orders of the priesthood as follows: ‘There were two rituals which the king in his eminent station used in the worship of the gods; one was the ritual of Ku, the other that of Lono.’

‘The Ku ritual was very strict (oolea), the service most arduous (ikaika). The priests of this rite were distinct from others and outranked them.’

‘They were called priests of the order of Ku, because Ku was the highest god whom the king worshipped in following their ritual. They were also called priests of the order of Kanalu, because that was the name of their first priestly ancestor. These two names were their titles of highest distinction.’

‘The Lono ritual was milder, the service more comfortable. Its priests were, however, of a separate order and of an inferior grade. They were said to be of the order of Lono (mo‘o-Lono), because Lono was the chief object of the king’s worship when he followed the ritual. The priests of this ritual were also said to be of the order of Paliku.’ (Malo)

The priesthood of Lono traced its origin to Paliku, the great erect cliff (pali-ku) of the massive promontory named Kane-hoa-lani at the midpoint of the windward coast of Oahu.

The birthplace of Kamapua‘a was on the uplands above Ka-lua-nui Valley, a few miles southeast of Kane-hoa-lani. (Handy and Handy)

Palikū is recognized as the place of the first heiau (traditional Hawaiian religious temple) during the time of Haumea and Wākea and associated with an ancient cultural context that later underwent significant evolution.

When a great tidal wave swept Haumea, Wākea, and all of their followers out to sea, Wākea was instructed, presumably by the god Lono, ‘to cup his hands together to represent a heiau, then he caught a humuhumu-nukunukuapua‘a fish [triggerfish with a pig-like snout] . . . and stuck it head first into the cupped hands to represent a pig’. (Handy and Handy).

The followers repeated Wākea’s actions, and then the sea washed all of them ashore.

In gratitude to Lono, a temple was constructed at Palikū, and an order of priests called Mo‘o-kuauhau-o-Lono (literally “genealogical line of Lono”) was responsible for religious proceedings at this temple. (Malo)

Handy and Handy reported that the priestly order known as Palikū formerly performed rituals at temples called māpele.

Malo explains that any heiau erected by an ali‘i nui who followed the ritual of Lono was termed a mapele. The timber used in constructing the house of worship, the storied tower (lana-nu‘u-mamao) and the enclosure, would be lama wood, a native ebony (lama was selected because the word suggests enlightenment), and ti leaf served as thatching.

Māpele is defined as ‘thatched heiau. (temple) for the worship of Lono and the increase of food’ (Lono was god of abundance as well as of rain and storm). (Handy and Handy)

“The mapele was a thatched heiau in which to ask the gods blessing on the crops. Human sacrifices were not made at this heiau; pigs only were used as offerings.”

“The timber … used in the construction of the house, the fence about the grounds, and that used in constructing the lananuu-mamao was lama, and it was thatched with the leaves of the ti plant. There were also idols.”

“Any chief in rank below the king was at liberty to construct a mapele heiau, an unu o Lono, a kukoae, or an aka, but not a luakini. The right to build a luakini belonged to the king alone. The mapele, however, was the kind of heiau in which the chiefs and the king himself prayed most frequently.”

“The luakini was a war temple, heiau-wai-kaua, which the king, in his capacity as ruler over all, built when he was about to make war upon another independent monarch, or when he heard that some other king was about to make war against him; also when he wished to make the crops flourish he might build a luakini.”

“Luakini (was a) heiau of the highest class, a war-temple, in which human sacrifices were offered; named from a pit, lua, and kini, many; into which the mouldering remains were finally cast.” (Malo)

“When the people and the priests saw that the services of the luakini were well conducted, then they began to have confidence in the stability of the government, and they put up other places of worship, such as the Mapele, the Kukoea, the Hale-o-Lono.”

“These heiaus were of the kind known as hoouluulu (hoouluulu ai = to make food grow), and were to bring rain from heaven and make the crops abundant, bringing wealth to the people, blessing to the government, prosperity to the land.” (Malo)

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