Images of Old Hawaiʻi

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Mo‘o-kahuna

There were two orders of temple priests, known as kahuna (experts), or kahuna pule (experts in praying). These were the priests of Ku, the war god, and the priests of Lono, the rain god who was lord of agriculture and of peace.

Each order or ‘school’ of priests had its distinctive genealogy, the mo‘o-Ku and the mo‘o-Lono. These were priests in charge of temple worship. As a caste, the priests of both gods were the mo‘o-kahuna.

Malo describes the two orders of the priesthood as follows: ‘There were two rituals which the king in his eminent station used in the worship of the gods; one was the ritual of Ku, the other that of Lono.’

‘The Ku ritual was very strict (oolea), the service most arduous (ikaika). The priests of this rite were distinct from others and outranked them.’

‘They were called priests of the order of Ku, because Ku was the highest god whom the king worshipped in following their ritual. They were also called priests of the order of Kanalu, because that was the name of their first priestly ancestor. These two names were their titles of highest distinction.’

‘The Lono ritual was milder, the service more comfortable. Its priests were, however, of a separate order and of an inferior grade. They were said to be of the order of Lono (mo‘o-Lono), because Lono was the chief object of the king’s worship when he followed the ritual. The priests of this ritual were also said to be of the order of Paliku.’ (Malo)

The priesthood of Lono traced its origin to Paliku, the great erect cliff (pali-ku) of the massive promontory named Kane-hoa-lani at the midpoint of the windward coast of Oahu.

The birthplace of Kamapua‘a was on the uplands above Ka-lua-nui Valley, a few miles southeast of Kane-hoa-lani. (Handy and Handy)

Palikū is recognized as the place of the first heiau (traditional Hawaiian religious temple) during the time of Haumea and Wākea and associated with an ancient cultural context that later underwent significant evolution.

When a great tidal wave swept Haumea, Wākea, and all of their followers out to sea, Wākea was instructed, presumably by the god Lono, ‘to cup his hands together to represent a heiau, then he caught a humuhumu-nukunukuapua‘a fish [triggerfish with a pig-like snout] . . . and stuck it head first into the cupped hands to represent a pig’. (Handy and Handy).

The followers repeated Wākea’s actions, and then the sea washed all of them ashore.

In gratitude to Lono, a temple was constructed at Palikū, and an order of priests called Mo‘o-kuauhau-o-Lono (literally “genealogical line of Lono”) was responsible for religious proceedings at this temple. (Malo)

Handy and Handy reported that the priestly order known as Palikū formerly performed rituals at temples called māpele.

Malo explains that any heiau erected by an ali‘i nui who followed the ritual of Lono was termed a mapele. The timber used in constructing the house of worship, the storied tower (lana-nu‘u-mamao) and the enclosure, would be lama wood, a native ebony (lama was selected because the word suggests enlightenment), and ti leaf served as thatching.

Māpele is defined as ‘thatched heiau. (temple) for the worship of Lono and the increase of food’ (Lono was god of abundance as well as of rain and storm). (Handy and Handy)

“The mapele was a thatched heiau in which to ask the gods blessing on the crops. Human sacrifices were not made at this heiau; pigs only were used as offerings.”

“The timber … used in the construction of the house, the fence about the grounds, and that used in constructing the lananuu-mamao was lama, and it was thatched with the leaves of the ti plant. There were also idols.”

“Any chief in rank below the king was at liberty to construct a mapele heiau, an unu o Lono, a kukoae, or an aka, but not a luakini. The right to build a luakini belonged to the king alone. The mapele, however, was the kind of heiau in which the chiefs and the king himself prayed most frequently.”

“The luakini was a war temple, heiau-wai-kaua, which the king, in his capacity as ruler over all, built when he was about to make war upon another independent monarch, or when he heard that some other king was about to make war against him; also when he wished to make the crops flourish he might build a luakini.”

“Luakini (was a) heiau of the highest class, a war-temple, in which human sacrifices were offered; named from a pit, lua, and kini, many; into which the mouldering remains were finally cast.” (Malo)

“When the people and the priests saw that the services of the luakini were well conducted, then they began to have confidence in the stability of the government, and they put up other places of worship, such as the Mapele, the Kukoea, the Hale-o-Lono.”

“These heiaus were of the kind known as hoouluulu (hoouluulu ai = to make food grow), and were to bring rain from heaven and make the crops abundant, bringing wealth to the people, blessing to the government, prosperity to the land.” (Malo)

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4,000 … 40,000 … 400,000 …

When Hawaiians prayed, in order to include all aspects of God (not to omit or offend any of the akua,) they added to the prayer the words, “E Hoʻoulu ana I kini o ke akua, ka lehu o ke akaua, na mano o ke akua” (Invoke we now the 40,000 gods, the 400,000 gods, the 4,000 gods.) (Beckwith)

In Hawaiian culture, natural and cultural resources are one and the same. Native traditions describe the formation (literally the birth) of the Hawaiian Islands and the presence of life on, and around them, in the context of genealogical accounts.

All forms of the natural environment, from the skies and mountain peaks, to the watered valleys and lava plains, and to the shore line and ocean depths are believed to be bodily manifestations of Hawaiian gods and deities.

It was the nature of place that shaped the cultural and spiritual view of the Hawaiian people.  “Cultural Attachment” embodies the tangible and intangible values of a culture – how a people identify with, and personify the environment around them.

It is the intimate relationship (developed over generations of experiences) that people of a particular culture feel for the sites, features, phenomena and natural resources etc., that surround them – their sense of place. This attachment is deeply rooted in the beliefs, practices, cultural evolution and identity of a people.  (Kent)

The Hawaiian Kumulipo is a genealogical prayer chant linking the royal family to which it belonged not only to primary gods belonging to the whole people and worshiped in common with allied Polynesian groups, not only to deified chiefs born into the living world within the family line, but to the stars in the heavens and the plants and animals useful to life on earth, who must also be named within the chain of birth and their representatives in the spirit world thus be brought into the service of their children who live to carry on the line in the world of mankind.  (Beckwith)

Hawaiians honored a kind of diffused hierarchy of gods, headed by Kanaloa, Kāne, Kū and Lono.  Each has his areas of responsibility or “departments.”  (Kanahele)

Kāne heads the areas of procreation, fresh water, forests, certain plants and animals.   Kū oversees war, politics, certain fish and shrubs, and trees.

Lono is in charge of the peace, agriculture, the weather and healing.  Kanaloa’s responsibilities suggest an important role of the oceans, voyaging and fishing.

In addition to these patron gods, many lesser deities were recognized who had their own responsibilities.  Certain akua watched over certain professions (healers, dancers, canoe makers, tapa makers, astrologers, etc.)

There were also family gods, and gods for individuals.  Each family had its own ʻaumakua (personal god) that watched over and protected them. For some it was the shark, others the pig, and so on.

It was thought that spirits could communicate to the living through dreams and often appeared in the form of the family’s ʻaumakua.

Likewise, a vast number of demigods (kupua) that took life forms and represented as part human and part god and often tell of historic and heroic struggles between different kupua.

Kupua stories tend to follow a regular pattern.  The kupua is born in some non-human form, but detected and saved by his grandparents (generally the mother’s side,) who discern the divine nature.  He is won over by some chief and sent to do battle with his rival.  (Beckwith)

Within these various major natural forms, gods, lesser gods, ʻaumakua, kupua and even humans was ‘mana’ – a spiritual energy.  It is therefore an external and internal force within and around us.

“The missionaries found that the conflict between the light of Christianity and the darkness of heathenism was no momentary struggle.”  (Bingham)  The Hawaiians were criticized for believing in a great many spirits, worshipping ‘false gods’ and setting up alters in their honor.

This polytheism (worship or belief in multiple deities) was not and is not unique (although modern Christians may reference it differently.)  This is not to suggest the faiths are the same; there are, however, signs of similarity that should not be ignored.

A discussion on cultural beliefs helped me see that even in today’s Christian faith, while one God is ever present – Christian worshippers look to and seek guidance and assistance from others within the religion, beyond God.

Take, for example, the Catholic religion and beatification of two saints with Hawaiʻi ties, Saint Damien and Saint Marianne.

Roman Catholic canonization requires evidence of miracles attributed to that person’s intercession. People pray to the religious members for help; multiple miracles may move that member to saintly status.

Catholics pray to God; but within the religion are numerous Saints and Angels who are also looked upon and prayed to; as well as others (as former Father Damien and Mother Marianne, before their elevation to Sainthood.)

During Pope Benedict XVI’s term as Pope (2005-2013) at least 45 new saints were added to the Catholic roles; so, the list of saints continues to grow.

Likewise, look at the monumental edifices erected for worship by other religions, including Christianity.  Houses of worship are not simple structures and each has an alter and other religious representations.

Again, I am not saying they are the same; however, it looks like we may all be more similar than we sometimes think.

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Luakini

“There were two rituals which the king in his eminent station used in the worship of the gods; one was the ritual of Ku, the other that of Lono. The Ku-ritual was very strict (oolea), the service most arduous (ikaika).”

“The priests of this rite were distinct from others and outranked them. They were called priests of the order of Ku, because Ku was the highest god whom the king worshipped in following their ritual.”

“They were also called priests of the order of Kanalu because that was the name of their first priestly ancestor. These two names were their titles of highest distinction.”

“The Lona-ritual was milder, the service more comfortable. Its priests were, however, of a separate order and of an inferior grade. They were said to be of the order of Lono (moo-Lono ), because Lono was the chief object of the king’s worship when he followed the ritual. The priests of this ritual were also said to be of the order of Paliku.”

“David Malo uses the terms mua and heiau almost as if they were interchangeable, and meant the same thing. The mua was the men’s eating house, tabu to women. The family idol, were probably kept there, and it seems as if some part of it was set apart as a shrine or heiau.” (Malo)

“The heiau at which fishermen worshipped their patron deity for good luck was of the kind called kuula; but as to the gods worshipped by fishermen, they were various and numerous, each one worshipping the god of his choice. The articles made tabu by one god were different from those made tabu by another god.” (Malo)

“Heiau ma‘o … was a temporary structure of small size for the use of the aliis only, any when its purpose was over, it was taken down. It was a slight structure covered with tapa cloth stained with ma‘o, of a reddish color.”

“The Ku-koa‘e was a temple for purification. The meaning of the word seems to have reference to a standing apart, by itself. For an anahulu, ten days, the king must not enter into any other heiau.”

“The mapele was a thatched heiau in which to ask the gods blessing on the crops. Human sacrifices were not made at this heiau; pigs only were used as offerings.”

“Any chief in rank below the king was at liberty to construct a mapele heiau, an mm 0 Lono, a kukoae, or an aka, but not a luakini. The right to build a luakini belonged to the king alone. The mapele, however, was the kind of heiau in which the chiefs and the king himself prayed most frequently.”

“The luakini was a war temple, heiau-wai-kaua, which the king, in his capacity as ruler over all, built when he was about to make war upon another independent monarch, or when he heard that some other king was about to make war against him; also when he wished to make the crops flourish he might build a luakini.”

“Luakini (was a) heiau of the highest class, a war-temple, in which human sacrifices were offered; named from a pit, lua, and kini, many; into which the mouldering remains were finally cast.” (Malo)

“It was a great undertaking for a king to build a heiau of the sort called a luakini to be accomplished only with fatigue and redness of the eyes from long and wearisome prayers and ceremonies on his part.”

The main features of a luakini, enclosed by walls or wooden fences, included the:

“Lananuumamao, or ‘anu‘u – a wooden framework obelisk that served as an oracle tower. It was usually more than twenty feet tall and contained three platforms.”

“The lowest symbolized the earth, the abode of humans, and was where offerings were placed; the middle was viewed as the space of birds and clouds and was where the high priest and his attendants conducted services …”

“… the highest platform symbolized the heavens – dwelling place of the gods – and could only be ascended by the high priest and the king. This was where the high priest received inspiration and acted as intermediary with the gods.”

“The entire structure was covered with bleached kapa. It was a highly visible component of the temple platform area and contained within a refuse or bone pit where decayed offerings and bones of victims were cast (lua pa‘u).”

“Lele — an offertorium, the altar on which offerings were left”

“Hale pahu — the drum house, enclosed except at the front”

“Hale mana — the largest, most sacred house on the heiau platform, used by the king and the officiating priest during kapu periods”

“Wai‘ea – a small house for incantations in which the ‘aha ceremony took place. Relaxing of the kapu proclaimed over the new heiau depended on obtaining an aha, a mat braided out of a rare seaweed found only in the deep ocean.”

“Coconut fiber was combined with the seaweed in braiding the ‘aha, which was used to decorate the shrine of Ku. If the seaweed was not found immediately, the search continued for months or years”

“Hale umu — the oven house for temple fires house at the entrance to the temple”

“Kipapa — a pavement of large stones for ceremonial use ‘ili’ili — a pavement of pebbles used as flooring”

“Haku ‘ōhi‘a — (Lord of the ‘ōhi‘a tree) the chief idol. Other temple images, up to twelve feet tall, were arranged in various ways within a heiau — some were in a fence configuration and others adorned the walls.” (Malo)

luakini-temple
luakini-temple

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The Gods Who Brought the Plants

“In view of the myth that relates the origin and descent of taro, which was identified with the god Kāne, to that of the ali‘i, or chiefs, of Hawaii, it is surprising that in the pageantry of the Makahiki, or harvest festival, the reigning aIi‘i plays the role of Lono rather than of Kāne.”

“Lono does not have any part in the creation myths of the Hawaiian Islands. This would seem to imply that Lono, with whom were identified the sweet potato, the gourd, and the hog, was a chief who came to these islands after they were already settled.”

“Had Lono come first, we should expect him to appear as a mythological character, and to find Kāne remembered, or recorded genealogically, as subsequent and subsidiary.”

“On the contrary, Kāne is primordial in the creation lore describing the origination of gods and men out of the marriage of Sky and Earth.”

“The sweet potato and gourd were suitable for cultivation in the drier areas of the islands. The cult of Lono was important in those areas, particularly in Kona on Hawaii and ‘Ulupalakua on Maui. At both of these places there were temples dedicated to Lono. The sweet potato was particularly the food of the common people.”

“The festival in honor of Lono, preceding and during the rainy season, was essentially a festival for the whole people, in contrast to the war rite in honor of Kū which was a ritual identified with Kū as god of battle.”

“It seems likely that the four chief gods of Hawaii, with each of whom particular plants and animals that were introduced were identified, represent distinct eras of colonization.”

“Because of Kāne’s place in the religion, his primordial role in the creation mythology, his pantheistic character, and his role as life-giver, it is logical to say that the first colonizers were worshipers of Kāne. With Kāne are identified the taro, sugar cane, and bamboo.”

“Our inference is, therefore, that these were introduced by the first settlers, and that it was these colonizers who established systematic agriculture in those areas that were capable of systematic development by means of irrigation …”

“… in other words, primarily the windward coasts and the valley areas on leeward sides of Kauai, Oahu, and West Maui, where stream systems coming down out of rain-drenched highlands made irrigation feasible.”

“This would have been an era of relative quiet, one of fairly isolated tribalism, before dynastic patterns and aristocratic traditions of ambitious warrior chieftains had become established.”

“Kanaloa perhaps came next after Kāne. The banana is identified with Kanaloa, as it is also in Tahiti. In Tahiti, and in Samoa and Tonga, Tangaloa (or Ta’aroa as the name is there pronounced) was the supreme god, the creator, and the ancestor of the ali‘i.”

“There is no reminiscence of this in Hawaii.”

“In all the southern islands, and as far as New Zealand, this deity is god of the ocean; and this is true also in Hawaii.”

“Here there is an interesting traditional association of Kāne and Kanaloa, in connection with the opening up of springs. Also in the mythological account of the creation of man, Kanaloa is associated with Kāne, although he does not appear at the dawn of creation as does Kāne.”

“It is because of the close association of Kanaloa with Kāne that we infer that Kanaloa and the banana came into the islands next after Kāne.”

“In New Zealand and tropical Polynesia, marine life and reptiles are identified with Tangaroa. In Hawaii this is true of marine life, but not of reptiles.”

“In Hawaii there is more lore relating to reptiles (mo‘o) than in any other island, yet there is no recollection of the relationship of reptiles to Kanaloa.”

“With the god Kū are identified the coconut tree and the breadfruit. Neither of these was planted or utilized, within historic times in Hawaii, nearly as extensively as would probably have been the case had they been in the islands for a long time.”

“It is for this reason that we have concluded that the Kū people were late comers. Kū, although not here regarded as lord of the ocean or particularly identified with it in any other way, was the patron of fishing.”

“Fishing as an organized enterprise was a prerogative of the ali’i, and everywhere in the Pacific the ali’i pre-empted the best fishing localities.”

“On the other hand, they did not by any means pre-empt the best farming localities; instead they depended upon the common people for their vegetable provender.”

“War rituals, in Hawaii as also in New Zealand, Tahiti, and the Marquesas, seem to have been derived from fishing rituals, and Kū was god of war as well as of fishing.”

“What probably happened was that as the worshipers of Kū became numerous, and rivalry over the best fishing localities such as Kona and Ka‘u brought about predatory wars, the chieftains came to realize that power depended upon population, and that population was a matter of food supply.”

“The epithet for Kū as a war god was Kū-the-Iand-snatcher, and this epithet became the symbol of conquest and the means of reduction of the farmers to the status of serfs.”

“The only one of the four major deities in Hawaii who was traditionally a human being is Lono. His apparent historical existence lends credence to the idea that he was the last of the four to come to Hawaii.”

“With Lono, as we have said, are identified the sweet potato, the gourd, and the hog. The sweet potato was taken to New Zealand by the Maori in the 14th century, and there likewise is identified with Rongo (Lono).”

“The hog was not taken to New Zealand, nor was the gourd; or at least if they were, neither survived.”

“The fact that the sweet potato went to New Zealand in the 14th century does not imply that it may not have been in Hawaii at an earlier date. It is possible that it was transported from Hawaii to New Zealand.” (Handy, Handy & Pukui)

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Planter-Herb Kane
Planter-Herb Kane

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Akua

A distant place lying in quietness
For Kū, for Lono, for Kāne, together with Kanaloa

“The Hawaiian Kumulipo is a genealogical prayer chant linking the royal family to which it belonged not only to primary gods belonging to the whole people and worshiped in common with allied Polynesian groups, not only to deified chiefs born into the living world within the family line …”

“… but to the stars in the heavens and the plants and animals useful to life on earth, who must also be named within the chain of birth and their representatives in the spirit world thus be brought into the service of their children who live to carry on the line in the world of mankind.” (Beckwith)

Hawaiian mythology recognizes a pre-human period before mankind was born when spirits alone peopled first the sea and then the land, which was born of the gods and thrust up out of the sea.

Gods are represented in Hawaiian story as chiefs dwelling in far lands or in the heavens and coming as visitors or immigrants to some special locality in the group sacred to their worship. The four great gods worshiped throughout Polynesia were Kāne, Kanaloa, Kū and Lono. (Beckwith)

It seems likely that the four chief gods of Hawaii, with each of whom particular plants and animals that were introduced were identified, represent distinct eras of colonization in the Islands.

It is believed that the first colonizers in the Islands were worshipers of Kāne. With Kāne are identified the taro, sugar cane, and bamboo.

Therefore, that these were introduced by the first settlers, and that it was these colonizers who established systematic agriculture in those areas that were capable of systematic development by means of irrigation.

This was primarily the windward coasts and the valley areas on leeward sides of the islands, where stream systems coming down out of rain-drenched highlands made irrigation feasible.

This would have been an era of relative quiet, one of fairly isolated tribalism, before dynastic patterns and aristocratic traditions of ambitious warrior chieftains had become established. (Handy, Handy & Pukui)

Kanaloa perhaps came next after Kāne. The banana is identified with Kanaloa. In the Islands there is an interesting traditional association of Kāne and Kanaloa, in connection with the opening up of springs.

Also in the mythological account of the creation of man, Kanaloa is associated with Kāne, although he does not appear at the dawn of creation as does Kāne. It is because of the close association of Kanaloa with Kāne that we infer that Kanaloa and the banana came into the islands next after Kāne.

With the god Kū are identified the coconut tree and the breadfruit. Neither of these was planted or utilized, within historic times in Hawai‘i, nearly as extensively as would probably have been the case had they been in the islands for a long time.

It is for this reason that the Kū people were late comers. Kū, although not regarded as lord of the ocean or particularly identified with it in any other way, was the patron of fishing.

Fishing as an organized enterprise was a prerogative of the aliʻi, and everywhere in the Pacific the aliʻi pre-empted the best fishing localities.

War rituals, in Hawaii seem to have been derived from fishing rituals, and Kū was god of war, as well as of fishing. What probably happened was that as the worshipers of Kū became numerous, and rivalry over the best fishing localities brought about predatory wars. (Handy, Handy & Pukui)

The chiefs came to realize that power depended upon population, and that population was a matter of food supply. The description for Kū as a war god was Kū-the-land-snatcher, and this became the symbol of conquest and the means of reduction of the farmers.

The only one of the four major deities in Hawaii who was traditionally a human being is Lono. His apparent historical existence lends credence to the idea that he was the last of the four to come to Hawai‘i.

Lono is identified with the sweet potato, the gourd and the hog. Lono was the god of rain and storms, and as such the ‘father of waters.’

Fresh water as a life-giver was not to the Hawaiians merely a physical element; it had a spiritual connotation. In prayers of thanks and invocations used in offering fruits of the land, and in prayers chanted when planting, and in prayers for rain, the “Water of Life of Kane” is referred to over and over again.

Kane – the word means ‘male’ and ‘husband’ – was the embodiment of male procreative energy in fresh water, flowing on or under the earth in springs, in streams and rivers, and falling as rain (and also as sunshine), which gives life to plants.

There are many prayers in which “the Water of Life of Kāne” is referred to. Occasionally, you will also see the “Water of Life” of Kanaloa, of Lono and of Kū, and even of Hiʻiaka, sister of Pele, a healer.

The old priests were inclined to include in their prayers for rain and for fertility the names of the four major deities, Kāne, Kanaloa, Kū and Lono, whose roles, while on the whole distinct, overlapped in many areas of ritualistic and mythological conceptions.

The religion of the folk-planters and fishers-was sectarian to some extent; some worshiped Kāne, some Kū, some Lono, and some Kanaloa. Regardless of all such distinctions, life-giving waters were sacred. (Handy, Handy & Pukui)

When Hawaiians prayed, in order to include all aspects of God (not to omit or offend any of the akua,) they added to the prayer the words, “E Hoʻoulu ana I kini o ke akua, ka lehu o ke akua, na mano o ke akua” (Invoke we now the 40,000 gods, the 400,000 gods, the 4,000 gods.) (Beckwith)

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Waterfalls-forest-mist
Waterfalls-forest-mist