Hawaiian Traditions | Page 96 | Images of Old Hawaiʻi

May 19, 2015 by Peter T Young Leave a Comment

Mahalo ʻAina

Mahalo ‘Aina: Give Back to the Forest is a program of the Hawai‘i Forest Institute (an entity established in 1989 to promote healthy and productive forests and a sustainable forest industry through forest management, education, planning, information exchange and advocacy.)

In partnership with the Hawai‘i Forest Industry Association (HFIA) and others, the goal of the Mahalo ‘Aina program is to expand community partnerships and gain support for the protection and perpetuation of Hawaiʻi’s forest ecosystems.

Click HERE to get to the Mahalo Aina website.

The philosophy of Mahalo ʻAina is simple: to help ensure a thriving future for forest restoration and education programs. The forest provides us with environmental, economic and cultural benefits, but we must also understand that we must give back to the forest.

Key Objectives of the Mahalo ‘Aina: Give back to the Forest program include:

Participate in forest restoration projects;
Raise awareness of reforestation efforts in Hawai‘i;
Develop demonstration forests;
Plan for future sustainability of forest ecosystems;
- Raise awareness of forestry practices;
- Illustrate forestry conservation practices; and
- Develop long-term partnerships
Engage the public to become involved

This is a fundraising effort; please consider donating – click HERE to do so.

Funds raised through Mahalo ‘Aina are helping to support: Propagation, outplanting, and long-term care of plantings; Site maintenance; Cultural and environmental education programs; and Coordination and promotional activities.

Mahalo ‘Aina is not simply a tree planting program, in addition to planting trees, it is helping to support total ecosystem management and providing forest stewardship opportunities and educational programs at project sites throughout the state.

Mahalo ‘Aina will initially benefit the following projects:

Ka‘upulehu Dryland Forest, Hawai‘i Island
La‘i‘Opua Dryland Habitat Preserve, Hawai‘i Island
Kaloko Makai Dryland Forest Preserve, Hawai‘i Island
Pana‘ewa Zoo Discovery Forest, Hawai‘i Island
Palamanui Dry Forest Preserve, Hawai‘i Island
‘Aina Mauna Christmas Tree Demonstration Project, Hawai‘i Island
Kapapala Canoe Forest, Hawai‘i Island
Honolulu Zoo Children’s Discovery Forest, O‘ahu
Hawaiʻi’s WoodshowTM, Na La‘au o Hawai‘i, O‘ahu
Hawaii Wood Guild, Hawai‘i Island
Keauhou Bird Conservation Center Discovery Forest, Hawai‘i Island
Kua O Ka La Public Charter School, Hawai‘i Island
Hawai‘i Island Native Hawaiian Seed Bank Cooperative, Hawai‘i Island
Honokohau National Historical Park & Pu‘uhonua O Honaunau Restoration, Hawai‘i Island
Kakeʻe Area Restoration and Reforestation Project, Kaua‘i
Maui Bird Conservation Center Discovery Forest, Maui (in exploration phase)

Tune in to the Mahalo ‘Aina Hawaiʻi Public Radio (HPR) Radio Series on HPR-1 Monday through Friday at 8:18 am, now through Friday, July 31st.

Click HERE to catch up on prior broadcasts.

The 65 episodes will re-run on HPR-2 starting in August 2015.)

I am honored and proud to serve as a director on the Hawaiʻi Forest Institute (HFI,) an organization dedicated to promote the health and productivity of Hawaiʻi’s forests, through forest restoration, educational programs, information dissemination and support for scientific research.

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Mahalo Aina

April 30, 2015 by Peter T Young 6 Comments

Puʻu O Mahuka

Waimea, “The Valley of the Priests,” gained its title around 1090, when the ruler of Oʻahu, Kamapuaʻa (who would later be elevated in legend to demigod status as the familiar pig deity) awarded the land to the high priest Lono-a-wohi.

From that time until Western contact and the overturn of the indigenous Hawaiian religion, the land belonged to the kahuna nui (high priests) of the Pāʻao line. (Kennedy, OHA)

The valley is surrounded by three Heiau. Pu‘u o Mahuka (“hill of escape”) is located on the north side of the valley; it is the largest heiau on Oʻahu (covering almost 2 acres.)

On the opposite side of the valley near the beach is Kupopolo Heiau. In the valley is Hale O Lono, a heiau dedicated to the god Lono. Religious ceremonies to Lono were held during the annual Makahiki season to promote fertility of the resources.

Puʻu O Mahuka Heiau may have been constructed in the 1600s. Built as a series of 3 walled enclosures, the stacked rock walls ranged from 3 to 6-feet in height and the interior surface was paved with stone. Within the walls were wood and thatch structures.

Archaeological research has indicated several changes in the heiau structure over time. Initially, the heiau consisted of the upper, mauka enclosure with a paved floor of basalt and coral boulders. At a later time, a paving of smaller stones known as ʻiliʻili was laid over the boulders. (DLNR)

A story of its origin notes, in 1773, a leadership change was decided on Oʻahu where Kahahana would replace Kumahana; this was the second chief to be elected (rather than conquest or heredity) to succeed to the leadership of Oʻahu, the first being Maʻilikukahi who was his ancestor. Kaʻopulupulu was Waimea’s presiding kahuna (priest) and served Kahahana.

A story says Kahahana asked Kaʻopulupulu to determine whether the gods approved of him, and whether the island of Kauai would surrender if he invaded its shores. Kaʻopulupulu requested that a temple be built where he could “speak to the great chief Kekaulike (of Kauai) through the thoughts of the great akua Mahuka.”

At first, Heiau Kupopolo was built on the beach of Waimea Bay; however, when Kaʻopulupulu used it, he received no answer from Kaua‘i. It was thought the temple was in the wrong location.

Off shore of this area is Wananapaoa, a small group of islets. Several believe they were so named (Wananapaoa literally translates to “unsuccessful prophecy”) because Kupopolo heiau there did not live up to its intended function.

Because the kahuna believed that “thoughts are little gods, or kupua, that travel in space, above the earth … they fly freely as soaring birds,” he had another heiau, Puʻu O Mahuka built high on the cliffs. From there, Kaʻopulupulu sent out thought waves, and the answer quickly returned – Kauai wished for peace. (Johnson; OHA)

Puʻu O Mahuka included a Hale O Papa, a specialized heiau designated specifically to women; kapu (forbidden) to men. The Hale O Papa were associated with the great Kū heiau (luakini), which demanded human sacrifice and were usually in areas of greater population. Without a luakini, there would be no Hale O Papa. (Kamakau)

Malo describes the ceremonies and rites in dedicating the luakini heiau:
“(A)ll the female chiefs, relations of the king, came to the temple bringing a malo of great length as their present to the idol. All the people assembled at the house of Papa to receive the women of the court.”

“One end of the malo was borne into the heiau (being held by the priests), while the women chiefs kept hold of the other end; the priest meantime reciting the service of the malo, which is termed kaioloa.” (Malo)

“All the people being seated in rows, the kahuna who was to conduct the service (nana e papa ka pule) stood forth; and when he uttered the solemn word elieli (completed), the people responded with noa. The kahuna said, “Ia e! O Ia!” and the people responded with noa honua (freedom to the ground). The consecration of the temple was now accomplished, and the tabu was removed from it, it was noa loa.” (Malo)

“With such rites and ceremonies as these was a luakini built and dedicated. The ceremonies and service of the luakini were very rigorous and strict. There was a proverb which said the work of the luakini is like hauling ohia timber, of all labor the most arduous.” (Malo)

Hale O Papa, or Heiau No Na Wahine, was used by royal women who were not permitted to worship the gods of the men, or to touch or eat foods which were acceptable offerings to the male gods.

Kamakau notes that such heiau belonged to the high chiefesses (pi‘o and ni‘aupi‘o) and “were for the good of the women and the children borne for the benefit of the land. … Only the sacred chiefesses, whose tabu equalled that of a god, went into the Hale – o – Papa and ate of the dedicated foods of the heiau.”

After Captain Cook was killed at Kealakekua Bay in 1779, Captain Charles Clerke took command of his ships, Resolution and Discovery. Searching to restock their water supply, they anchored off Waimea Bay in 1779. This was the first known contact of the white man on the island of Oʻahu.

Cook’s lieutenant, James King, who captained the Resolution, commented that the setting “… was as beautiful as any Island we have seen, and appear’d very well Cultivated and Popular.” (HJH)

King noted that the vista on this side of Oʻahu, “was by far the most beautiful country of any in the Group … the Valleys look’d exceedingly pleasant … charmed with the narrow border full of villages, & the Moderate hills that rose behind them.” (HJH)

Clerke wrote in his journal: “On landing I was reciev’d with every token of respect and friendship by a great number of the Natives who were collected upon the occasion; they every one of them prostrated themselves around me which is the first mark of respect at these Isles.” (Kennedy, OHA)

Clerke further noted, “I stood into a Bay to the W(est)ward of this point the Eastern Shore of which was far the most beautifull Country we have yet seen among these Isles, here was a fine expanse of Low Land bounteously cloath’d with Verdure, on which were situate many large Villages and extensive plantations; at the Water side it terminated in a fine sloping, sand Beach.” (HJH)

Waimea was a large settlement, though the actual number of inhabitants is unknown. With an almost constant water source and abundant fishing grounds, in addition to cultivation of traditional foods, Waimea was a classic example of the Polynesian managing natural resources. (pupukeawaimea)

Kamehameha took the island of O‘ahu in 1795, and he gave Waimea Valley to Hewahewa, his Kahuna Nui. He was the last Kahuna to preside over the heiau (temples) in the valley.”

“Hewahewa died in 1837 and is buried in Waimea Valley. Waimea Valley has a total land area of approximately 1,875-acres and was originally part of the larger moku (district) of Koʻolauloa, but was added to the district of Waialua in the 1800s. (pupukeawaimea)

In 1826, Hiram Bingham, accompanied by Queen Kaʻahumanu, visited Waimea to preach the gospel and noted, “Saturday (we) reached Waimea … the residence of Hewahewa, the old high priest of Hawaiian superstition, by whom we were welcomed ….”

“The inhabitants of the place assembled with representatives of almost every district of this island, to hear of the great salvation, and to bow before Jehovah, the God of heaven.”

“There were now seen the queen of the group and her sister, and teachers, kindly recommending to her people the duties of Christianity, attention to schools, and a quiet submission, as good subjects, to the laws of the land.” (Bingham)

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PuuOMahuka-sunsetranchhawaii-1972

Puu O Mahuka Heiau-(NPS)-1962

Puu O Mahuka Heiau-GoogleEarth

Ruins_of_Puu_O_Mahuka_Heiau

PuuoMahukaHeiau-topcorner-toward-Kaena

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Puu O Mahuka Heiau-NPS

Puu O Mahuka Heiau-plaque

Puu O Mahuka Heiau-noting Hale O Papa-(pleasantfields-com)

Puu O Mahuka Heiau_noting Hale O Papa (on right)-(pleasantfields-com)

Puu O Mahuka

April 26, 2015 by Peter T Young 7 Comments

Infanticide

“I have often wondered why there were no more children here than there appear to be, upon asking a white man who has resided here many years …”

“… the reason he replied that many infants are strangled to death by their mothers, especially if they are not able to support them and many die for want of care when young. We have seen a number of latter case.” (Daniel Chamberlain. July 20, 1820; Tobin)

“A man and his wife, tenants of Mr (John) Young … had one child, a fine little boy. A quarrel arose between them on one occasion respecting this child. The Wife refusing to accede to the wishes of the husband, he, in revenge, caught up the child by the head and the feet, broke its back across his knee, and then threw it down in expiring agonies before her.”

“Struck with the atrocity of the act, Mr. Young seized the man, led him before the king, Tamehameha, … and requested that he might be punished.”

“The king inquired, ‘To whom did the child he has murdered belong?’ Mr. Young answered, that it was his own son. ‘Then,’ said the king, ‘neither you nor I have any right to interfere; I cannot say any thing to him.’” (Ellis, 1826)

“We have long known that the Sandwich Islanders practised infanticide, but had no idea of the extent to which it prevailed, until we had made various inquiries daring our present tour, and had conversed with Karaimoku Kapiolani, the governor, and several other chiefs, who, though formerly unwilling to converse on the subject, have, since their reception of Christianity, become more communicative.”

“It prevails throughout all the islands, and, with the exception of the higher class of chiefs, is, as far as we could learn, practised by all ranks of the people.”

“However numerous the children among the lower orders, parents seldom rear more than two or three, and many spare only one; all the others are destroyed sometimes shortly after birth, generally during the first year of their age.” (Ellis, 1826)

“Several mothers presented their offspring, with the pride of old Roman matrons. We counted the number of those who had living children, and then requested those who had none to rise.”

“The scene that followed I can never forget.”

“Why are you childless? we inquired. Very few had lost children by a natural death. One woman replied in tears, holding out her hands.”

“’These must answer the question: I have been the mother of eight children, but with these hands I buried them alive, one after another, that I might follow my pleasures, and avoid growing old.’”

“’Oh, if I had but one of them back again to comfort me now! If tears and penitence could restore the dead!’”

“She was followed by others, making the same sad confessions of burying alive, of strangling, of smothering, until sobs and tears filled the house.” (Laura Fish Judd, 1880)

“There can be no doubt but that infanticide was prevalent among them and that a very large percent of the children born were disposed of in various ways by their parents, soon after their birth.”

“Generally speaking, it appears that in Hawaiʻi, as throughout Polynesia, the struggle for existence and life’s necessities, was largely evaded by restricting the natural increase in population in this way.” (Bryan, 1915)

“But as we are told that parents were fond of their children and parental discipline was not rigorous, and as children were left largely to their own devices, their care could hardly be regarded as a serious burden …”

“… moreover, more girl children were destroyed than boys, indicating that the former reason was the more economic and, therefore, the more human and logical one.” (Bryan, 1915)

“The extreme skewing of the sex ratio among Hawaiians in the nineteenth century is open to many explanations … Overwork and general exploitation may well have erased more adult women than men, but the likeliest candidate as the chief killer of females was infanticide, either by direct intention or, as is much more common, indirectly and semi-intentionally.” (Crosby)

“(B)y European contact the Hawaiians were actively practicing several methods of population control, including abortion and infanticide, perhaps in response to pressure on local food supplies and the limitations of agricultural land.” (Kirch)

“Several of the early Christian missionaries in the Hawaiian archipelago were sure that infanticide, especially female infanticide, was widespread despite decrees against the practice and assurances that it had stopped circa 1820.” (Crosby)

“Abortion and infanticide, known to exist in pre-contact times, reached new highs in 1819-1825 and 1832-1836.” (Schmitt)

“Artemas Bishop reported in 1838, ‘the majority of children born in the islands die before they are two years old.’ Indeed, the infant mortality rate was so high that microbiologist OA Bushnell uses the term ‘genocidal decline’ in discussing Hawaiian infants in this period.” (Kanahele)

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April 24, 2015 by Peter T Young 1 Comment

Makanau

“About half-past eleven we reached Hilea, a pleasant village belonging to the governor. As we approached it, we observed a number of artificial fish-ponds, formed by excavating the earth to the depth of two or three feet, and banking up the sides. The sea is let into them occasionally, and they are generally well stocked with excellent fish of the mullet kind.”

“We went into the house of the head man, and asked him to collect the people together, as we wished to speak to them about the true God. He sent out, and most of the people of the village, then at home, about two hundred in number, soon collected in his house, which was large, where Mr. Thurston preached to them.”

“They appeared gratified with what they had heard, and pressed us very much to spend the day with them. We could not consent to this, as we had travelled but a short distance since leaving Honuʻapo.”

“As we left Hilea, our guide pointed out a small hill, called Makanau, where Keoua, the last rival of Kamehameha, surrendered himself up to the warriors under Kaʻiana, by whom he had been conquered in two successive engagements.” (Ellis)

(In the late-1700s, this area served as the summer home of Keoua, the last chief of Kaʻu and as the district’s capital in an insurgent war with Kamehameha.)

(Many of Keoua’s forces had been killed by Keonehelelei (“the falling sands” – the explosive eruption of Kilauea in 1790. (Moniz-Nakamura) Keoua formally surrendered to Kamehameha at Puʻukohola Heiau; there, Keoua was attacked and killed by Keʻeaumoku, one of Kamehameha’s chiefs.)

Hīlea, in Kaʻu was the birthplace of Kohaikalani. He was the most important chief on the island and reigned in royal state at Hīlea.

He ordered the construction of a heiau situated on the great plain of Makanau (‘surly eyes,’) a high promontory, about three miles from the shore.

All men in the district were conscripted to transport stones from Koloa beach at Ninole. They formed a human chain and passed the stones up to the site in baskets. The kapu (taboo) for building such a structure was strict. Not a word could be spoken. If a stone dropped, it could not be picked up. This work took several weeks. (Orr)

Thrum suggests that the pebbles for the pavement of the heiau came from the shore of Kawa. When much stone had been collected, two kahuna (priests) arrived to supervise the erection of the structure. (Rechtman)

As it was the custom in the olden days to worship fishes, birds, stones or wood, Kohaikalani wished to have a wooden god to worship. Kohāikalani was living in the upland of Hīlea.

The kahuna told the people, “It is clear that your chief intends when this temple is completed to offer your bodies as sacrifice. Hence, when he commands you to bring an ʻōhiʻa tree to be used in the building, you must tell him to select one for himself and that you will then help him pull it up here. In this way you may save your lives.” (Keala Pono)

After building the heiau the men were ordered to fell an ʻohiʻa tree for an image. There was a very steep pali to climb. They had to carry up the god on the side towards Ninole, which was best adapted to the execution of their plan.

“The god will never reach the summit of the pali,” said the kahuna, “if the Chief continues to walk before him. The god ought to go first, by right of power, and the Chief below and after him, to push at the lower end, otherwise we will never succeed in overcoming his resistance.”

Kohaikalani complied with the advice of the kahuna, placed himself under the god, and pushed him from below. Instantly the Priests and people dropped the rope, and the huge idol, rolling upon the Chief, crushed him in an instant. They attribute the death of Kohāikalani especially to the Priests. (The Friend, May 1, 1865)

Kohaikalani Heiau consisted of a rectangular structure with walls 4.5 to 5.5-feet high on the inside and 6.5-feet on the outside. The interior pavement of the heiau was covered with ʻiliʻili (sea-worn pebbles.) (Walker)

The heiau was visible to Stokes during his evaluation of Hawaiʻi heiau (1901-1919;) however, later destroyed when sugarcane was planted there.

As you drive this area of Kaʻū, you can look up the side of Mauna Loa and see Makanau, the tabletop hill.

Better yet, April 24- May 3, 2015, Kaʻū Coffee Festival will be celebrated at various venues in Kaʻū; events include star gazing from Makanau summit. The image shows Makanau.

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Makanau

March 21, 2015 by Peter T Young 4 Comments

Kakoʻi

“I believe these were the largest workshops in the world for making of stone tools.” (Kenneth Emory)

“Dr Wm Hillebrand ascended to the summit of Mauna Kea … About 1,500 feet below the top, on the side of the mountain seldom visited by either foreigners or natives, they discovered an ancient manufactory of stone implements.”

“It consisted of a cave, in front of which was a pile of stone chips 25-feet high, which had evidently accumulated from the manufacture of stone adzes, maika balls, etc, etc, which lay scattered about in an unfinished state.”

“On reaching Mr Lyons’ residence, the discovery soon became noised abroad among the natives, who flocked to the mission premises to learn the truth of the report.”

“On inquiry among them, no person appears to ever to have heard of the existence of the manufactory, – even the oldest natives were ignorant of it. … (Hillebrand later learned) that that an old native … in his younger days had heard the place spoken of by his fathers, but nothing definite can be earned regarding it.” (Pacific Commercial Advertiser, October 23, 1862)

The quarry is an area of roughly 7 ½-square miles on the south slope of Mauna Kea. The main activity was concentrated in a zone that is 1-to-1 ½ miles wide between the 11,000 and 12,400 ft. elevation.

The landscape is dotted with numerous cinder cones, the principal one of which in the quarry area is Puʻu Koʻokoʻolau. The upper slopes of Mauna Kea have been described as a stony alpine desert. There is little vegetation and the ground surface has the appearance of a desert pavement.

The modern climate is both dry and cold. It is sufficiently cold that glacial features, such as patterned ground, are actively maintained. Evidence of formerly colder conditions can be seen in the summit region in the form of glacially scoured bedrock and surficial glacial drift deposits. (McCoy)

“Visiting this region in the summer of 1937, we located seven caves, and seven shelters formed by the overhanging of bluffs and protected from the wind by stone walls erected by the ancient Hawaiians.”

“The chips and unfinished adzes at this site cover an area of roughly fifty feet long by twenty feet broad, and the thickest part of the pile rises approximately ten feet above the sloping ground. Some of the other piles are nearly as large.” (Emory, 1937)

“Nowhere else in Polynesia are there such accumulations of chips and rejects. … Several hundred nearly finished adzes ranging from two to twelve inches in length, and a few chisels, lay on the pile of chips at Keanakakoʻi site.”

“The ordinary discoidal hammer-stones, which we saw scattered about, were not more numerous than spherical stones of the same vesicular basalt, flattened slightly on one side. These spherical stones puzzled us until we discovered that a number of the rejected adzes had been smoothed and shaped by pecking so as to be gripped comfortably in the hand.”

“We figured that these shaped rejects must have been gripped in the left hand like a stone chisel, one end placed on a stone block to be chipped, and the other end struck a smart blow with the flat face of the spherical stone mallet held in the right hand.” (Emory)

“Such a method has not before been described but no other has been suggested which would explain these two tools certainly employed in the manufacture of the adzes. The use of the mallet-stone and of the chisel-stone, would be effective in the first rough chipping of a large block, but the discoidal hammer-stone would be necessary for the final chipping.”

“Large slabs and blocks of stone had been carried to the workshops from the quarries nearby. The quarries are simply places along the ledges of hard rock where quantities of slabs have been broken off by the scraping of the glacier which once covered Mauna Kea and by the freezing of water penetrating into cracks.”

“There is evidence that the Hawaiians broke some of the stone from the bluffs themselves but generally they simply broke loose slabs into pieces to be carried to the workshops.”

“Acres of ground are strewn with the dark blue, freshly broken rock contrasting with the dull grown surface of the weathered stone. In many places, the rock of the ledges is quite reddish, owing to the oxidation of its iron minerals, and this has led to the supposition that the Hawaiian built fires against the bluffs to split off the stone.”

“The floors of the caves and shelters contain grass-padding and some fragments of seashells, but no accumulation of shells or bones such as would indicate use as living quarters.”

“On calm nights the temperature drops well below freezing. On rainy and windy nights, water drips through the roofs of the caves. During the winter months, snow frequently covers the ground, and the bitterly cold winds sweeping over the workshops would be unendurable to the workers.” (Emory)

Most stages of adze manufacture (kakoʻi – to make adzes; adze maker) were carried out at these sites and that adze preforms or nearly finished but unpolished adzes were the actual products removed from the quarries. (Withrow)

The quantity of food that could be transported from the coast would have effectively limited the length of stay, unless, of course, there were other people who formed task groups responsible for supplying the craftsmen and also, for carrying down selected preforms for finishing by grinding and polishing.

The combination of these factors with archaeological reasoning based on excavated evidence suggests seasons no shorter than two to three weeks. (McCoy)

An adze is an ancient type of edge tool dating back to the Stone Age. Similar to an axe in shape, it was used for cutting, smoothing, and carving wood and other materials.

In the Hawaiian Islands, an adze blade was generally made out of basalt, a common volcanic rock formed by the rapid cooling of lava. Basalt was favored for tool making because of its hardness and ability to hold an edge. (NPS)

“The ax (adze) of the Hawaiians was of stone. The art of making it was handed down from remote ages. Ax-makers were a greatly esteemed class in Hawaii nei. Through their craft was obtained the means of felling trees and of cutting and hewing all kinds of timber used in every sort of wood-work.” (Malo)

The upper and lower sides of the adze blade were then tapered using a grinding stone sprinkled with sand and water. Once the sides had been ground down and the edge was sharpened, the blade was secured to a wooden handle with a fiber cord. The finished adze was then ready to be used or traded for other goods or services.

The Hawaiian adze was attached to a bent wooden handle that allowed the user to swing it in a downward cutting motion. Occasionally a small adze blade would be fastened to the tip of a stick, and when the stick end was hit with a stone it would act as a chisel.

The adze was one of the most important tools in the Hawaiian Islands and large adzes were used for cutting trees and shaping canoes while smaller ones were used to carve things such as furniture, bowls, weapons, idols and small tools. (NPS)

Some adzes were undoubtedly storied objects carrying great significance while others were more common domestic tools. Perhaps the adzes of greatest significance were quarried in relatively limited number and reserved for chiefs. (Mills) Mauna Kea Adz Quarry is a National Historical Landmark.

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