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September 24, 2017 by Peter T Young 1 Comment

Settlement & Agricultural Development

Folks describe different ‘phases’ or ‘periods’ of human settlement and agricultural development in the Islands over time. Different people use different terms for each of these (some use varying timeframes, as well,) but they seem to generally fall into Settlement, Development, Expansion and ultimately Post-Contact.

Settlement – AD 1000-1400

It is believed that initial Polynesian discovery and settlement of the Hawaiian Islands occurred between approximately AD 1000 and 1200. (Kirch) This effectively started the ‘Settlement’ phase.

The rich valley bottoms which later they would clear, terrace, and irrigate for wet-taro cultivation, were in their pristine state, dense jungle, probably covered mostly with the hau shrub which, where it runs wild, produces a dense, tight jungle. For this jungle the first settlers had no use.

What taro tops they had, they planted along the banks of the streams, as taro is still planted along the banks of irrigation and drainage ditches. If they had sweet-potato shoots, these were planted in sandy soil near their huts.

It is more likely, however, that the first settlers had little or nothing to plant. The plants and more settlers were probably brought by canoes sent back to the homeland.

For generations, the small, slowly growing population clustered around shore sites near streams that supplied them with water. Such sites are best for inshore fishing.

Fishermen and their families living around the bays and the beaches, or at isolated localities along the coast where fishing was practicable, led a life that was materially simpler than that of planters who dwelt on the plains.

The food plants of Hawaiʻi can be divided into three groups: those known as staple foods (the principal starchy foods – kalo (taro,) ʻuala (sweet potato,) ʻulu (breadfruit,) etc;) those of less importance (to add nutrients and variety to the diet;) and those known as famine foods. (Krauss)

With such a small (but growing) population based on the family unit, society was not so complicated that it needed chiefs to govern or oversee the general population.

Kamakau states that there were no chiefs in the earliest period of settlement but that they came “several hundred years afterward … when men became numerous.”

Development – AD 1400-1650

As the ancient Hawaiian population grew, land use and resource management also evolved. The traditional land use in the Hawaiian Islands evolved from shifting cultivation into a stable form of agriculture.

Stabilization required a new form of land use and eventually the ahupua‘a form of land management was instituted (what we generally refer to as watersheds, today.) Ahupuaʻa served as a means of managing people.

In addition, this centralization of government allowed for development and maintenance of large projects, such as irrigation systems, large taro loʻi, large fish ponds, heiau and trails.

To feed more people, farming became more developed and intensified. Only in Hawaiʻi was there such an intensive effort to utilize practically every body of water, from seashore to upland forests, as a source of food, for either agriculture or aquaculture.

Hawaiians built rock-walled enclosures in near shore waters, to raise fish for their communities and families. It is believed these were first built around the fifteenth century.

The ancient Hawaiian fishpond is a sophisticated land and ocean resource management technique. Utilizing raw materials such as rocks, corals, vines and woods, the Hawaiians created great walls (kuapā) and gates (mākāhā) for these fishponds. (Kelly)

Another technological invention by Hawaiian Polynesians was the development of their extended stone-faced, terraced pondfields (lo‘i) and their accompanying irrigation systems (‘auwai) for the intensive cultivation of wetland taro (kalo.)

The terraces were irrigated with water brought in ditches from springs and streams high in the valleys, allowing extensive areas of the valleys to be cultivated. The irrigation ditches and pondfields were engineered to allow the cool water to circulate among the taro plants and from terrace to terrace, avoiding stagnation and overheating by the sun, which would rot the taro tubers.

An acre of irrigated lo‘I kalo produced as much as five times the amount of taro as an acre of dryland cultivation. Over a period of several years, irrigated pondfields could be as much as 10 or 15 times more productive than unirrigated taro gardens, as dryland gardens need to lie fallow for greater lengths of time thin irrigated gardens. (Kelly)

There was systematic cultivation of dryland crops in their appropriate vegetation zones as exemplified by the Field Systems (notable systems are seen in Kona, Kohala, Kaupō, Kalaupapa and Ka‘ū.) (Kelly)

This was a period of tremendous significance in Hawaiian pre-contact history since, during this time, (1) the population underwent a geometric rate of increase; (2) virtually all habitable and arable lands were occupied and territorially claimed; (3) the territorial pattern of chiefdom (moku) and subchiefdom units (ahupua‘a) appears to have been established …

… and (4) toward the end of this period the Hawaiian sociopolitical system was transformed from a simple, ancestral Polynesian chiefdom to a highly stratified society with virtual class differentiation between chiefs and commoners. (Kirch)

Expansion – AD 1650-Contact (1778)

A population peak (usually estimated at several hundred thousand) was reached around 1650 AD, more than 100 years before contact with Europeans.

It was at this population peak, or shortly before, that Hawaiians began to inhabit less favorable coastline areas and barren zones between the coast and upland agricultural sites and to develop extensive dryland agricultural systems in marginal regions. (Cuddihy)

Large-scale irrigation works and permanent field systems were developed during the expansion period. Settlements were intruding into increasingly marginal environments, including the interiors of leeward valleys and the higher elevation slopes. Population densities in the fertile windward valleys increased, although densities in tablelands and elsewhere were much lower.

Cultivation was characterized by a variety of non-irrigated root and tree crops grown for subsistence, each farmer having gardens in one or more vegetation zones. Each crop was cultivated in the zone in which it grew best.

Reverend William Ellis described the area behind Kailua town in Kona above the breadfruit and mountain apple trees as, “The path now lay through a beautiful part of the country, quite a garden compared with that through which they had passed on first leaving the town.”

“It was generally divided into small fields, about fifteen rods square fenced with low stone walls, built with fragments of lava gathered from the surface of the enclosures. These fields were planted with bananas, sweet potatoes, mountain taro, paper mulberry plants, melons, and sugar-cane, which flourished luxuriantly in every direction.”

There was extensive development of at least the mauka portion of the kula sub-zone, for sweet potatoes, wauke and probably also gourds. This development was accompanied rarely by permanent habitation and more often by temporary and seasonal habitation along the kula gardens.

Animal enclosures, probably for pigs, may date to this phase. The upland zones were under complete development by this time. Suitable caves were modified for refuge during times of warfare or social conflict. Caves located in the midst of garden features were intensively used for temporary shelter and work spaces. (Terry)

Post Contact – After 1778

At the time of Captain Cook’s arrival (1778-1779), the Hawaiian Islands were divided into four chiefdoms: (1) the island of Hawaiʻi under the rule of Kalaniʻōpuʻu, who also had possession of the Hāna district of east Maui; (2) Maui (except the Hāna district,) Molokaʻi, Lānaʻi and Kahoʻolawe, ruled by Kahekili; (3) Oʻahu, under the rule of Kahahana; and (4) Kauaʻi and Niʻihau, Kamakahelei was ruler.

Island rulers, Aliʻi or Mōʻī, typically ascended to power through familial succession and warfare. In those wars, Hawaiians were killing Hawaiians; sometimes the rivalries pitted members of the same family against each other.

“It is supposed that some six thousand of the followers of this chieftain (Kamehameha,) and twice that number of his opposers, fell in battle during his career, and by famine and distress occasioned by his wars and devastations from 1780 to 1796.” (Bingham)

In addition to deaths in wars, epidemics of infections added to the decline in Hawaiʻi’s population from approximately 300,000 at the time of Captain Cook’s arrival in 1778 to 135,000 in 1820 and 53,900 in 1876.

Vancouver was appalled by the impoverished circumstances of the people and the barren and uncultivated appearance of their lands. “The deplorable condition to which they had been reduced by an eleven years war” and the advent of “the half famished trading vessels” convinced him that he should pursue his peace negotiations for “the general happiness, of the inhabitants of all the islands.” (Vancouver, Voyage 2)

“By this time nearly a generation of the race had passed away, subsequently to their discovery by Cook. How much of their strength had been exhausted by wars and the support of armies, and how much by new and terrible diseases, it is not easy to estimate. The population was greatly diminished, and the residue unimproved in morals.” (Bingham)

The cultivation of kula lands gradually decreased in extent and intensity, nevertheless remaining important to a decreasing population. Some kula lands were being converted to grazing beginning in the 1840s.

The first commercially-viable sugar plantation, Ladd and Co., was started at Kōloa on Kaua‘i. On July 29, 1835, Ladd & Company obtained a 50-year lease on nearly 1,000-acres of land and established a plantation and mill site in Kōloa.

At the industry’s peak in the 1930s, Hawaii’s sugar plantations employed more than 50,000 workers and produced more than 1-million tons of sugar a year; over 254,500-acres were planted in sugar. That plummeted to 492,000 tons in 1995.

Although sugar dominated the Hawaiian economy, there was also great demand at the time for fresh Hawaiian pineapples, and later canned pineapple. By 1931, pineapple production exceeded 12 million cases as a result of both expansion and improvements in productivity; production of canned pineapple peaked in 1957.

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c. 1826 lithograph, William Ellis C., Big Island. Waipio Valley, Ahupua'a.
c. 1826 lithograph, William Ellis C., Big Island. Waipio Valley, Ahupua’a.
Fish_Ponds_at_Honoruru,_Oahu,_by_John_Murray,_after_Robert_Dampier-(WC)-1836
Fish_Ponds_at_Honoruru,_Oahu,_by_John_Murray,_after_Robert_Dampier-(WC)-1836
P-03-View of Country back of Kailua
P-03-View of Country back of Kailua
Native_Hawaiian_man_pounding_taro_into_poi_with_two_children_by_his_sides-(WC)-c._1890s
Native_Hawaiian_man_pounding_taro_into_poi_with_two_children_by_his_sides-(WC)-c._1890s
Oahu-Kahaluu-kalo-terrace-wall-(WC)
Oahu-Kahaluu-kalo-terrace-wall-(WC)
Water from the ‘auwai going back to the kahawai-(KSBE)
Water from the ‘auwai going back to the kahawai-(KSBE)
Wailau-terraces_walls (Windy K McElroy)
Wailau-terraces_walls (Windy K McElroy)
Ruins of Ancient Loi Kalo (Taro Pond Fields in Lanai)-(lanaichc-org)-1912
Ruins of Ancient Loi Kalo (Taro Pond Fields in Lanai)-(lanaichc-org)-1912
Kona_Field_System-GoogleEarth
Kona_Field_System-GoogleEarth
Kohala Field System-photo-Vitousek
Kohala Field System-photo-Vitousek
Interior fish pond Waikiki Oahu-1905
Interior fish pond Waikiki Oahu-1905
Honolulu_Harbor_to_Diamond_Head-Wall-Reg1690 (1893)
Honolulu_Harbor_to_Diamond_Head-Wall-Reg1690 (1893)
Hawaii_Island_Fishpond_Gate-(WC)
Hawaii_Island_Fishpond_Gate-(WC)
Fishpond_in_east_Molokai-(WC)
Fishpond_in_east_Molokai-(WC)

Filed Under: Hawaiian Traditions, Economy, General Tagged With: Hawaii, Settlement, Fishpond, Dryland, Agriculture, Loi

September 23, 2017 by Peter T Young Leave a Comment

Kapu and the New Religion

With the Hawaiian Kapu, if you didn’t follow the rules, you could die.

With Christianity, “For God so loved the world that He gave His only begotten Son, that whoever believes in Him should not perish but have everlasting life.”

Pā‘ao (CA 1300,) from Kahiki (Tahiti,) is reported to have introduced (or significantly expanded) a religious and political code in old Hawai‘i, collectively called the kapu system. This forbid many things and demanded many more, with many infractions being punishable by death.

The kapu system helped the ali‘i and kahuna keep their power over the people. The people believed that breaking the kapu would bring the anger of the gods on themselves and their community. They made every effort to follow the kapu set down by the ali‘i and kahuna.

Anything connected with the gods and their worship was considered sacred, such as idols, heiau and priests. Because chiefs were believed to be descendants of the gods, many kapu related to chiefs and their personal possessions.

The Hawaiian kapu can be grouped into three categories. The first evolved from the basic precepts of the Hawaiian religion and affected all individuals, but were considered by foreign observers to be especially oppressive and burdensome to women.

One of the most fundamental of this type of prohibition forbade men and women from eating together and also prohibited women from eating most of the foods offered as ritual sacrifices to the gods (for example, it was kapu for women to eat pork or bananas.)

“One thing which the priest urged upon the king was to kill off the ungodly people, those who broke tabu and ate with the women, or who cohabited with a woman while she was confined to her infirmary, and the women who intruded themselves into the heiau.”

“Another thing he urged was that the woman who beat tapa on a tabu day, or who went canoeing on a tabu day should be put to death; also that the man who secretly left the service at the temple to go home and lie with his wife should be put to death; that the men and women who did these things, whether from the backwoods – kua‘āina – or near the court should be put to death.”

“That any man, woman, or child, who should revile the high priest, or a keeper of the idols, calling him a filth-eater, or saying that he acted unseemly with women (i ka ai mea kapu) should be put to death, but he might ransom his life by a fine of a fathom-long pig.”

“Again, that if the king by mistake ate of food or meat that was ceremonially common or unclean – noa – the king should be forgiven, but the man whose food or meat it was should be put to death, if the king was made ill. In such a case a human sacrifice was offered to appease the deity, that the king might recover from his illness.”

“Again that certain kinds of fish should be declared tabu to the women as food, also pork, bananas and cocoanuts; that if any large fish – a whale – or a log strapped with iron, should be cast ashore, it was to be offered to the gods, (i. e., it was to be given to the priests for the use of the king).” (Malo)

A second category of kapu were those relating to the inherited rank of the nobility and were binding on all those equal to or below them in status.

This system, a “sanctioned avoidance” behavior conforming to specific rules and prohibitions, prescribed the type of daily interactions among and between the classes, between the people and their gods, and between the people and nature.

By compelling avoidance between persons of extreme rank difference, it reinforced class divisions by protecting mana (spiritual power) from contamination while at the same time preventing the mana from harming others.

These kapu posed enormous difficulties for the high Ali‘i because it restricted their behavior and activities to some degree. Because these kapu prohibited the highest-ranking chiefs from easily walking around during the day, some of them traveled in disguise to protect the people and themselves from the difficulties presented by this custom.

The third category were edicts issued randomly that were binding on all subjects and included such acts as the placing of kapu on certain preferred surfing, fishing or bathing spots for a chief’s exclusive use.

In addition, the chiefs proclaimed certain kapu seasons as conservation measures to regulate land use and safeguard resources.

These had the same force as other kapu, but pertained to the gathering or catching of scarce foodstuffs, such as particular fruits and species of fish; to water usage; and to farming practices. These kapu were designed to protect resources from overuse.

While the social order defined very strict societal rules, exoneration was possible if one could reach a puʻuhonua (place of refuge) and be cleansed, as well as cleared by a kahuna (priest).

The puʻuhonua was especially important in times of war as a refuge for women and children, as well as warriors from the defeated side.

Puʻuhonua were locations which, through the power of the gods and the generosity of the chiefs, afforded unconditional absolution to those who broke taboos, disobeyed rulers, or committed other crimes. (Schoenfelder)

Ethno-historical literature, and available physical, cultural, and locational data, note at least 57-sites across the Islands. Puʻuhonua tended to occur in areas of high population and/or in areas frequented by chiefs. (Schoenfelder)

These range from enclosed compounds such as Hōnaunau, to platforms (Halulu on Lānaʻi), to fortified mountain-tops (Kawela on Molokaʻi), to unmodified natural features (Kūkaniloko on Oʻahu) and to entire inhabited land sections, as at Lāhainā on Maui. (Schoenfelder)

This intricate system that supported Hawai‘i’s social and political structure directed every activity of Hawaiian life, from birth through death, until its overthrow by King Kamehameha II (Liholiho).

Shortly after the death of Kamehameha I in 1819, King Kamehameha II (Liholiho) declared an end to the kapu system. In a dramatic and highly symbolic event, Kamehameha II ate and drank with women, thereby breaking the important eating kapu.

This changed the course of the social, political and religious structure and ended the kapu system, effectively weakened belief in the power of the gods and the inevitability of divine punishment for those who opposed them.

Some have suggested it was the missionaries that ended the kapu that disrupted the social/political system in the Islands; that is not true – the missionaries had not even arrived in the Islands, yet. On October 23, 1819, the Pioneer Company of missionaries from the northeast US, set sail on the Thaddeus for the Islands.

The Mission Prudential Committee in giving instructions to the pioneers of 1819 said: “Your mission is a mission of mercy, and your work is to be wholly a labor of love. …”

“Your views are not to be limited to a low, narrow scale, but you are to open your hearts wide, and set your marks high. You are to aim at nothing short of covering these islands with fruitful fields, and pleasant dwellings and schools and churches, and of Christian civilization.” (The Friend)

Among their teaching included, “Then Jesus declared, ‘I am the bread of life. Whoever comes to me will never go hungry, and whoever believes in me will never be thirsty.’” (John 6:35)

“For God so loved the world that He gave His only begotten Son, that whoever believes in Him should not perish but have everlasting life.” (John 6:16)

Keōpūolani is said to have been the first convert of the missionaries in the Islands, receiving baptism from Rev. William Ellis in Lāhainā on September 16, 1823. Keōpūolani was spoken of “with admiration on account of her amiable temper and mild behavior”. (William Richards) She was ill and died shortly after her baptism.

Within five years of the initial arrival of the missionaries, a dozen chiefs had sought Christian baptism and church membership, including the king’s regent Kaʻahumanu. The Hawaiian people followed their native leaders, accepting the missionaries as their new priestly class. (Schulz)

On December 24, 1825, Kaʻahumanu, six other Chiefs and one makaʻāinana (commoner) were baptized and received Holy Communion at Kawaiahaʻo Church. This was the beginning of expanded admission into the Church.

Kamakau noted of her baptism, “Kaʻahumanu was the first fruit of the Kawaiahaʻo church … for she was the first to accept the word of God, and she was the one who led her chiefly relations as the first disciples of God’s church.”

“Her influence and authority had long been paramount and undisputed with the natives, and was now discreetly used for the benefit of the nation.”

“She visited the whole length and breadth of the Islands, to recommend to her people, attention to schools, and to the doctrines and duties of the word of God, and exerted all her influence to suppress vice, and restrain the evils which threatened the ruin of her nation.” (Lucy Thurston)

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Heiau_at_Waimea_by_John_Webber-1778-79
Heiau_at_Waimea_by_John_Webber-1778-79

Filed Under: Ali'i / Chiefs / Governance, Missionaries / Churches / Religious Buildings, Hawaiian Traditions Tagged With: Hawaii, Kapu, Puuhonua

September 22, 2017 by Peter T Young 2 Comments

Hula ‘Auana

The Panama-Pacific International Exposition was held in San Francisco in 1915 to celebrate the completion of the Panama Canal, as well as support San Francisco’s recovery from the devastating 1906 earthquake and fire.

The Exposition looked to the future for innovation. Things we take for granted today – cars, airplanes, telephones, and movies – were in their infancy and were shown off at the fair, and some well-known technological luminaries were involved in the fair.

The San Francisco Exposition was also the launching site for broader awareness of hula ‘auana, contemporary hula – it was featured in the Hawaii exhibits.

There, ‘Princess Lei Lokelani’ performed traditional foot movements – ku‘i and ‘uwehe – to modern ‘ukulele and steel guitar songs – this also launched the hapa-haole (half “foreign”) hula phenomenon into broader markets. (Wianecki)

Traditional Hawaiian music was based upon mele oli and mele hula as performed in the pre-Western-contact era. Mele oli means plain chanting, while mele hula signifies chanting accompanied by hula.

There are many different types of hula. Today, hula has been divided into two main categories; hula ‘auana and hula kahiko, also known as modern hula and ancient hula.

Within the ancient hula, or hula kahiko, there are several different type; to begin with, the three basic ancient dances hula pahu, hula ku‘i and hula ‘āla‘apapa provide the starting point for the kahiko dances we see today.

The hula pahu dances were, originally a part of heiau, or temple, rituals and were danced in honor of “the akua – Kāne, Kanaloa, Kū and Lono – the ‘state gods’, who had been recognized by all Hawaiians and were intimately involved in Polynesian cosmology and the ordering of Hawaiian society”. (Kaepple)

After the overthrow of the Hawaiian religious system in 1819, by the Hawaiians themselves, the rituals were transferred to honor ‘aumākua (deified ancestors) who had not been overthrown, such as Pele, Laka and Kapo.

The hula pahu dances are defined by a certain rhythmic pattern and by certain chants. They are danced to the beats of the pahu drum.

The movements of the hula pahu originally objectified or embodied the work of kahuna (priests or spiritual mentors) and was according to legend, brought to Hawai‘i, along with the pahu drum, from Tahiti by La‘amaikahiki.

The hula ku‘i originated in the Kalākaua era, and had its first public appearance during the coronation ceremonies of King Kalākaua in 1883. The hula ku‘i is accompanied by mele, and usually instruments like the guitar or the ‘ukulele. The dance style is softer than the hula pahu, yet not as soft as the modern ‘auana

The hula ‘āla‘apapa is an ancient hula that is accompanied by chant, and danced to the rhythm of the double gourd ipu, ipu heke, with “vigorous and bombastic” movements. The dance is performed in a standing position, and the ho‘opa‘a is responsible for both the rhythm and the chanting.

The ‘ōlapa/ku‘i dances and the ‘āla‘apapa dances are very much alike to the untrained eye, but differences lie in the movement and rhythmic patterns and the flow of the chants.

Mele hula kuʻi – chant and dance style with western influences – developed in the late-19th and early 20th centuries from mele hula. These three forms served as the foundations of authentic Hawaiian music. (Torgersen)

At the corner of what is now Baker Street and Marina Boulevard in San Francisco’s Marina District was where the Hawaiian Pavilion stood during the Panama-Pacific International Exposition.

These Hawaiian shows had the highest attendance at the entire fair and launched a Hawaiian cultural craze that influenced everything from American music, to movies, to fashion. (Mushet)

“The hugely popular Hawaii pavilion … showcased Hawaiian music and hula dancing, and was the unofficial launching pad for ukulele-mania.” Hapa-haole songs were featured in the Hawaii exhibits.

The ‘Princess’ was 15-year old Elizabeth Jonia Leilokelani Shaw; she and her family were a hit at the Exposition – Shaw had moved from the Islands to Portland with her family. Her first professional performance was at the exposition; she later danced contemporary hula in vaudeville.

Hula ‘auana are always accompanied by mele, and have soft and floating movements. The ‘auana is also inspired by the hula of the 20th century up until the late 1960s, including the hapa haole styled hula. (Torgersen)

The costumes of the hula ‘auana are different from the kahiko costumes, which usually involve a pā‘ū (hula skirt) and a top to match the pā‘ū for female dancers, and a malo (loincloth) for the male dancers, as well as anklets, wristlets and a headpiece made from traditional hula plants and flowers.

The ‘auana costumes often involve mu‘umu‘u (long dress or gown) for women and black pants, a shirt and sash for the men. The women often have large headpieces made from flowers and greens and may wear shoes as part of the costume.

The kahiko dances must always be danced barefoot, and the dancer is not allowed any jewelry or excessive makeup. (Torgersen)

By 1916, there were hundreds of Hapa Haole tunes written. That same year, reportedly more Hawaiian records were sold on the mainland than any other type of music. And they came in all the popular styles of the day: in ragtime, blues, jazz, foxtrot and waltz tempos, as “shimmy” dances and–even–in traditional hula tempos, but jazzed up a bit.

In 1935, a radio program began, broadcasting live from the Banyan Court of the Moana Hotel on the beach at Waikīkī, and radios nationwide tuned in to hear “Hawaii Calls.” Not only did nearly every island entertainer cut his or her teeth on the program, many went on to become well known.

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Princess Lei Lokelani Promotional
Princess Lei Lokelani Promotional
'Jonia and Her Hawaiians'
‘Jonia and Her Hawaiians’
Hawaii Band and Dancers-(Shaw)-1916
Hawaii Band and Dancers-(Shaw)-1916
Elizabeth L. Jonia Leilokelani Shaw-
Elizabeth L. Jonia Leilokelani Shaw-
Elizabeth L. Jonia Leilokelani Shaw
Elizabeth L. Jonia Leilokelani Shaw

Filed Under: Hawaiian Traditions Tagged With: Hapa Haole, Elizabeth Jonia Leilokelani Shaw, Hula . Kahiko, Hawaii, Auana

September 13, 2017 by Peter T Young Leave a Comment

South Side of East Maui

“The high lands all along the south side of East Maui … are very fine for farming. It is the region in which most of the Irish potatoes are raised for the ships at Lāhainā, and all the wheat raised at the Islands is grown here.”

“Its climate, also, is highly salubrious, and it will yet be the garden of the Sandwich Islands, from which not only whale-ships, but the hotels of San Francisco, shall obtain their supplies.” (Cheever, 1851)

The first written description of the region was made by La Pérouse in 1786 while sailing along the southeast coast of Maui in search of a place to drop anchor:

“I coasted along its shore at a distance of a league (three miles) …. The aspect of the island of Mowee was delightful. We beheld water falling in cascades from the mountains, and running in streams to the sea, after having watered the habitations of the natives …”

“… which are so numerous that a space of three or four leagues (9 – 12 miles, about the distance from Hāna to Kaupō) may be taken for a single village.” (La Pérouse, 1786; Bushnell)

“But all the huts are on the seacoast, and the mountains are so near, that the habitable part of the island appeared to be less than half a league in depth.”

“The trees which crowned the mountains, and the verdure of the banana plants that surrounded the habitations, produced inexpressible charms to our senses…”

“… but the sea beat upon the coast with the utmost violence, and kept us in the situation of Tantalus, desiring and devouring with our eyes what it was impossible for us to attain … After passing Kaupō no more waterfalls are seen, and villages are fewer.” (La Pérouse, 1786; Bushnell)

“Two days and nights of continued mule-riding and canoeing from Wailuku, through the bishopric of Mr Green and the Blind Preacher (Pua‘aiki – Bartimeus) have brought us, worn and weary, to the quiet station of Hana, East Maui, where visitors, or haoles of any sort, seldom make their way.”

“It is too inaccessible, and far from any port, for sailors to get to; and the way is too rough and long for common travellers and explorers.” (Then Rev Henry T Cheever describes the Alaloa (long trail) in southeast Maui, built by Kihapi‘ilani and improved by Hoapili.)

“Yet it is a way not devoid of interest and novelty, especially that part of it which runs from Honuaula to Kahikinui and Kaupo; for it is a road built by the convicts of adultery, some years ago, when the laws relating to that and other crimes were first enacted, under the administration of the celebrated chief Hoapili, in whom was the first example of a Christian marriage.”

“It is altogether the noblest and best Hawaiian work of internal improvement I have anywhere seen. It is carried directly over a large verdureless tract, inundated and heaved up by an eruption from the giant crater of Hale-a-ka-la …”

“… and when it is considered that it was made by convicts, without sledge-hammers, or crowbars, or any other instrument but the human hands, holding a stone, and the Hawaiian Oo, it is worthy of great admiration. It is as great a work for Hawaiians, as digging the Erie Canal to Americans.”

“A Yankee engineer, to stand on either side of that vast field and yet, by reason of its pits, and ravines, and blown-up hills, and dislocations, not a field, but a chaos of blackened lava-would be confounded and put to his wit’s end to know where to begin and carry a road.”

“Were the waves of the ocean, in a tempest, when wind and current, or the former swell, were in conflict, to be suddenly congealed to the depth of twenty or thirty feet, and the water below to be then in a moment let off, or vanish, the bed of old Ocean would not exhibit such a rugged, confused, and unnavigable waste as these tracts of broken lava.”

“Or, as I have seen it somewhere illustrated, if the furious rapids of a mighty river had been turned into ink, and the cold of a winter’s day at the poles applied, and every part had become instantaneously congealed in the position …”

“… where it was just then whirling, tossing, foaming, and tumbling, while millions of flint-like particles, shivered from the mass by the suddenness and intensity of the operation, lay scattered about, it might perhaps present an aspect like that of this old current from a volcano.” (Cheever, 1851)

“Straight over such a tract, crime itself, under the energetic management of Hoapili, has built a commodious road from Honolulu to Kaupo. Like the old man in ‘The Rime of the Ancient Mariner,’ we almost ‘blessed it unawares,’ as our mules safely trotted or cantered by moonlight over the path it had made.”

“It is made by running two parallel walls about twenty feet apart, then partially macadamizing the space between, and covering it with grass or stubble.”

“For fifteen or twenty miles it runs almost like a railroad, only turning a little now and then to avoid some gigantic boulder, or forced into a zigzag to get over some precipitous ravine, which it would seem as if an impetuous after-stream of devouring fire from the mountain had ploughed and eaten through, till it reached the sea.” (Cheever)

Because Haleakalā creates a rain shadow effect, the leeward lands at Kahikinui are quite arid. They typify what the Hawaiian scholar David Malo called the “dry lands,” the ‘āina malo‘o.

In such areas the sweet potato was the principal crop of the Hawaiian inhabitants, although dryland taro might also have been grown in the higher elevations. In Malo’s words, farming such an ‘āina malo‘o “was a laborious occupation and called for great patience, being attended with many drawbacks”. (Pacific Legacy)

A little farther north is Kaupo. Historic records note that this region was identified as “the greatest continuous dry planting area in the Hawaiian islands,” both in ancient times and well into the 1930s. But this old culture was vanishing due to a combination of economic and climatic circumstances.

Oral traditions state that sweet potatoes were cultivated from sea level up to about 2,000 feet elevation and great quantities of dry taro were planted in the lower forest belt from one end of the district to the other.

Using high-resolution color aerial photographs of Kaupō and then confirming their findings on the ground, archaeologists identified grid patterns over significant parts of the landscape, confirming the existence of a major dryland field system, the first to be identified for Maui Island.

The field system a closely spaced grid of east-west embankments and small field plots bisected at right angles by longer north-south trending walls; it covered an area of 3,000 to nearly 4,000-acres and could have supported a population of 8,000-10,000 people. (Kirch)

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Historic_Moku_of_Maui-(WC)-Map
Historic_Moku_of_Maui-(WC)-Map
Historic_Mokus_of_Maui_Map_(Kahikinui)-AhaMoku
Historic_Mokus_of_Maui_Map_(Kahikinui)-AhaMoku
Photo of Naholoku Fan at Kaupo Gap-(Kirch)
Photo of Naholoku Fan at Kaupo Gap-(Kirch)
Map of Features and Soil Age-(Kirch)
Map of Features and Soil Age-(Kirch)
Kaupo_Dryland_Field_System
Kaupo_Dryland_Field_System
Kahikinui-gullies-hawp
Kahikinui-gullies-hawp
Leeward_Haleakala_Kahikinui_Forest-DLNR
Leeward_Haleakala_Kahikinui_Forest-DLNR
Hoapili_Trail-LaPerouse-Bay
Hoapili_Trail-LaPerouse-Bay
Hoapili_Trail-Honuaula-(Project_Kaeo)-(Horse-Cart-1824-1834)
Hoapili_Trail-Honuaula-(Project_Kaeo)-(Horse-Cart-1824-1834)
Hoapili_Trail-Kula_Honuaula_Kahikinui_Kaupo-(Project_Kaeo)-(Horse-Cart-1824-1834)
Hoapili_Trail-Kula_Honuaula_Kahikinui_Kaupo-(Project_Kaeo)-(Horse-Cart-1824-1834)
Hoapili_Trail-Kanaloa_Point
Hoapili_Trail-Kanaloa_Point
Hoapili Trail
Hoapili Trail
Hoapili Trail-(NPS)
Hoapili Trail-(NPS)

Filed Under: Economy, General, Hawaiian Traditions, Place Names Tagged With: Kaupo, LaPerouse, Field System, Kaupo Field System, Kaupo Gap, South Maui, East Maui, Hawaii, Hoapili

September 9, 2017 by Peter T Young 2 Comments

E Ho‘opono

“(T)he importance of this forest is that it’s so diverse. It’s been able to withstand a lot of lava flows. And so, in the destruction or covering of portions of the forest, they’ve been able to regenerate and come out with a healthier, stronger species.”

“Same with the birds that are able to survive at a lower area, despite the mosquitoes that bring the avian malaria. These birds are healthy. They’re low-lying and they’ve built up an immunity to the avian malaria disease.”

“And so wiping out this forest, they don’t go to other places. This is their home. Just like the people around here; they can’t go to other places. This is where they’ve been raised, where the generations have been raised.”

“This forest, the last low-land rain forest is intact and is very necessary to re-seed the lands that Pele has covered. So the important thing is that these lands need to be intact if we’re going to re-grow our forests a thousand years from now.” (Aluli, Kumupaʻa)

“The Hawaiian people followed protocols when they gathered and harvested from native ecosystems. These required that the gatherers prepare themselves spiritually before setting out and that they maintain an appropriate mental attitude before, during and after collecting the desired materials.”

“The physical process of gathering always involved going about one’s business quietly, asking permission, giving thanks, and treating the plants or animals to be collected – and everything else in their environment – with respect.”

“Every aspect of the gathering process, whether mental or physical, spiritual or practical, was reflected in a single guiding principle: ‘treat all of nature’s embodiments with respect.’ The overall effect of this attitude was to minimize the impact of gathering on native ecosystems.”

“‘Entry chants’ were offered to ask permission of the forest or other plant community for entry and to protect the collector from misfortune.”

“The chants were an expression of the gatherer’s respect for and good intentions toward all of the beings that lived there, including the akua, plants, animals, rocks, streams, etc.”

“Similarly, chants were offered before any plant was collected, out of respect for the plants themselves and for the akua to whom those plants were dedicated.”

“A quiet demeanor not only displayed the appropriate attitude of respect, but it allowed the collector to be alert to signs that were ‘bad omens.’”

“For example, some signs might indicate that a particular plant should not be picked for medicinal purposes, as it might make the medicine bad.”

“Other signs might indicate that this was not the right time for collecting anything at all, and that the collector should turn around and go home.”

“Plants and plant parts were removed carefully, and one never took more than was needed. Ferns were broken carefully at the base of the frond, taking care not to uproot the plant.”

“Besides showing appropriate respect for the plant, this conservation ensured that the plant would survive and remain healthy, so that it could produce more fronds later. Similarly, other plant parts were removed in ways that minimized the impact to the plant.”

“Gathering typically was spaced out in some way, taking a little here and a little there, as expressed just above. According to several other kupuna, the reasoning behind this practice was that it prevented the other plants of the type being collected from becoming lili (jealous) and squabbling among themselves.”

“Ecologically, of course, this practice helped to ensure that no area was completely stripped of a certain plant species and that harvesting could be sustained.”

“Most people would agree that these gathering principles embody appropriate treatment of those we love and respect. For example, when we enter the home of a friend today, we usually ask permission; we try not to impose on their hospitality or damage their home.”

“So it was that Hawaiians approached gathering from native ecosystems – good manners and plain common sense guided their behavior.” (Anderson-Fung and Maly)

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Apapane in Ohia lehua
Apapane in Ohia lehua

Filed Under: Hawaiian Traditions Tagged With: Hawaii, Gathering, Traditional and Customary Practices, T&C

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