Images of Old Hawaiʻi

by Peter T Young Leave a Comment

Mōʻiliʻili Skeletons

This story raised more questions than answers.  It related to a Honolulu Advertiser story published on April 24, 1926.  It asks, “What mysteries will the skeletons of Mōʻiliʻili reveal …?”

In part, it notes theories by historian WD Alexander, who suggests, “it is nearly certain that there were two distinct periods of emigration to these Islands.”

“The first settler must have arrived in the very ancient times, as the discovery of human bones under ancient coral beds and lava flows.  Judge Fornander estimates that these Islands were inhabited as early as 500 BC.”

At Mōʻiliʻili, the paper notes that, “Skeletons that may be thirty centuries old, have just been uncovered from the encompassing layers of brown sand, still in a remarkable sate of preservation, the skulls intact, not a tooth missing.”

“And some of the skeletons are reported by the discoverers to have been found in a standing position. Above the sand is a top soil from a score to 50 feet in depth. Below, in the sand strata, 15 feet below the top soil, the skeletons were found a few days ago.”

We know that during the island’s formative stage, the sea level was more than 25 feet higher than its present level.  This is estimated to have happened during the Sangamon Interglacial Stage (the Pleistocene Epoch). In Hawai‘i, folks refer to this as the Waimanalo High Sea Stand around the island about 120,000 years ago.

This period of sea level elevation is responsible for the deposit of fossil reef limestone (and, thus, some sand) in southern coastal Oʻahu, including up to the region we now know as Mōʻiliʻili.

The weathering and erosion of Oahu’s dormant volcanoes, the Waianae and Koʻolau, paired with the rise and retrieval of the sea level resulted in the formation of “interbedded marine and terrestrial deposits”.

So, sand in Mōʻiliʻili is not unexpected.  But the news report adds a peculiarity … “How does it happen that this sand is different from any other sand found on Oahu, unlike the Waianae sand or the sands from the beaches?”

“How does it happen that this sand  is similar to the standard Ottawa sand, and one of the best known to builders? From this sand bank ton upon ton is being excavated and transported to the city of Honolulu and is being incorporated in some of the great new structures rising all over under the impetus of the new building activity”?

Back to the skeletons … “Those who have seen these skulls are intrigued by the belief that they do not resemble the usual type of Hawaiian skull, in that their contour is practically perfect, suggesting a pure Aryan origin. No marble figure of the Greek has a more perfect head that that found in the Mōʻiliʻili sand strata.”

“Some. Hawaiians, threading back into the ancient and misty past, and clinging to the thought that the Hawaiians came out of the ‘place of the dawn,’ or the rising sun, believe in the possibility of a migration from the western continental hemispheres, possibly Aztec, possibly Inca Origin …”

“… and with this trend of thought presented it is easy to build up an ethnological mosaic that would hark back to the area of the continent of Atlantis, [peopled] by those of the farther east, and after all, clinging still to that trend, the origin could be traced to the shadow of the pyramids.”

“The startling fact was revealed that one has was found whose sightless eye orifices faced, apparently, to the east, toward the rising sun, the ‘Kahiki’ of the Hawaiians, their ‘place of dawn’ …”

“… for even the Hawaiians, in their legends and their ancient chants handed down, generation to generation by the bards, ‘word-of-mouth-narratives’ expressed a theory of having come from ‘out of the dawn – the east.’”

Having said that, the Star Bulletin came out with a following statement from the Bishop museum where they reported, that while “Members of the staff have not examined the skeletons …”

“In the absence of definitive proofs of extreme age, scientists of the Bishop Museum are not inclined to ascribe special importance to the finding of several skeletons at the Mōʻiliʻili quarry”.

“‘As far as the location of the burials is concerned,’ says Dr Herbert E Gregory, director of the Bishop Museum, ‘they do not indicate any great lapse of time.  They are not found at any great depth.’” (SB, April 27, 1926)

No further reporting was found in the old newspapers about the Mōʻiliʻili skeletons; however, it seems questions remain (a burning one for relates to why the burials were in ‘a standing position’).

(A prior post on the Mōʻiliʻili Karst noted the eroded limestone caves under Mōʻiliʻili: https://imagesofoldhawaii.com/moiliili-karst-moiliili-water-cave/)

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by Peter T Young Leave a Comment

Inter-Island Hula Contest

David and Lydia Bray sought to reinsert hula into everyday public life.  A group of influential Hawaiians – a princess, a famed hula dancer, and a composer – gathered at a Honolulu home in 1919 to judge a private hula performance.

The Brays, a young Hawaiian couple who were dancers themselves, had staged this unofficial “hula trial.”  They sought to address the question, Was hula truly vulgar and vile? All we know is that girls from the ages of eight to fourteen presented their hula repertoire before the panel.

At the end of the presentation, the judges conferred and delivered a “not guilty” verdict. The hula was clean; its practitioners should not fear performing before Hawaiian and American audiences. (Imada)

For many Hawaiian women, hula presented a dream ticket out of Hawai‘i, promising fame, glamour, and middle-class status difficult for them to achieve in the plantation and service industries. Hula dancers could earn between fifty and one hundred dollars a week, compared with four to ten dollars a week in the pineapple canneries.

Talent recruiters from the US continent took advantage of the ample labor pool in the islands. Orchestra leaders, Hollywood film studios, and American nightclubs periodically scouted for dancers in Hawai‘i, where women often faced stiff competition for coveted hula contracts. (Imada)

Then, in 1938, sponsored by Hollywood’s Metro-Goldwyn-Mayer Studios (MGM) and the Hawai‘i-based Consolidated Amusement Company, the “Inter-Island Hula Contest” sought to crown a “hula queen.”

In the “greatest hula contest ever staged in the Islands,” nearly five hundred young Hawaiian women competed for the title for more than a month, going through several rounds of competition. Each hoped to win the grand prize: a trip to Hollywood and a chance at stardom in the United States.

On almost every island, audiences followed the competition with great enthusiasm, buying tickets for preliminary rounds held at movie theaters and rooting for their favorites.

On Friday nights on O‘ahu, local people attended elimination rounds at the Hawai‘i Theater and indicated by applause their choices of finalists. (Imada)

In September 1938 five finalists from five different islands gathered in Honolulu for a “Hula-Nui Nite” (Big Hula Nite).  Finalists were Keahi Bright, Oahu; Rita Lum Ho, Maui; Dorothy K Dudoit, Molokai; Ethel Moniz, Hawaii and Kealoha Holt, Kauai.  In an overflowing theater, a board of judges crowned the contestant from Kauai, Alice Kealoha Pauole Holt, “Hula Queen.”

Holt was born on February 10, 1919 into a life of modest means with a lineage directly tied to the royal families of Hawai‘i. Her introduction to the world of movies came by way of MGM, who sponsored the event, and sent her to Hollywood to play the part of the native dancer in the movie Honolulu with Robert Young and Eleanor Powell.  (IMDb)

Holt subsequently passed her MGM screen test in Hollywood and spent three months there, touring as an “ambassador of good will” and dancing in the American stage and film productions of Honolulu.

Holt may have been MGM Studio’s only official “Hula Queen,” but she was only one of a generation of Hawaiian women who began leaving Hawai‘i in the 1930s for the US continent. (Imada)

“Hollywood knew Hawaii’s brightest and best hula dancer, Kealoha Holt, for a brief few months, before the young lady suffered pangs of homesickness and returned to the islands.” (SB, Sep 30, 1939)

American nightclubs and showrooms packaged hula as middlebrow American entertainment, and hula dancers joined circuits that routed them between Hawai‘i and Manhattan. Hula became the ticket out of Hawai‘i for many women, promising fame and glamour in the United States. (Imada)

“And now, the newest crop of hula dancers, singers and musicians are in New York .… Most of the girls, in long letters home, write of their longing for Hawaii. Some, like Kealoha Holt, just pack up and return.”

“Their jobs pay from $75 to top prices of $100 a week. They put on three shows a night, six nights a week. They usually live at the hotel where they work, or in apartments adjoining night clubs where they are featured. … They pick up pin money making recordings, if they sing; posing for advertising, teaching the hula to patrons.”

“Today, with Hawaii’s good will emissaries stationed in strategic centers such as San Francisco, New Orleans, Chicago and New York, synthetic shimmies of yesterday are giving way to real Hawaiian hulas.”

“These singing and dancing islanders who invade mainland night spots provide splendid advertising for Hawaii.  They take with them the charm and grace of an island paradise where two thirds of America longs to visit. They are fresh and blood representatives of a South Seas island lure of which escapists dream.”  (MacDonald, SB, Sep 30, 1939)

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by Peter T Young Leave a Comment

Kohala Field System

Throughout the younger islands of the Hawaiian archipelago, dryland agricultural field systems constituted a significant component of the late prehistoric subsistence economy.
 
The field systems produced large quantities of food to support local farmers and residents, as well as local and district-level chiefly elites.
 
It is generally thought that the dryland agricultural systems had spread to their maximum extent, nearly reaching the edge of productive lands.
 
Kohala supported a large and well-developed field system, covering over 15,000-acres with a dense network of field walls and paved trails.  It is one of the largest archaeological sites in Polynesia.
 
In the Kohala area, Hawaiian farmers found, farmed and intensified production on lands that were poised between being too wet and too dry.
 
The distribution of intensive rain-fed agricultural systems was constrained on its lower end by conditions that were too arid to support intensive agriculture reliably, while at their upper margin many millennia of leaching had depleted soil fertility to a point where intensive rain-fed agriculture was infeasible.
 
In essence, Hawaiians were farming the rock in intensive dryland agricultural systems; their field systems extended to the wettest point that still supplied nutrients via basalt weathering.
 
When the field system is plotted against the rainfall map it falls within the 30-70-in rainfall band.
 
Archaeological evidence of intensive cultivation of sweet potato and other dryland crops is extensive, including walls, terraces, mounds and other features.
 
The fields throughout the Kohala system were oriented parallel to the elevation contours and the walls (and perhaps kō (sugar cane) planted on them) would have functioned as windbreaks from the trade winds which sweep down the slopes of the Kohala mountains.
 
Configured in this way, the walls would also have reduced evapotranspiration and – with heavy mulching – retained essential moisture for the crops.  This alignment of fields also conserved water by retaining and dispersing surface run-off and inhibited wind erosion and soil creep.
 
The main development of the Kohala field system took place AD 1450-1800.  By the late-1600s the lateral expansion of the field system had been reached, and by AD 1800 the system was highly intensified.
 
The process of intensification involved shortened fallow periods, and agricultural plots divided into successively smaller units.
 
The archaeological map of the Kohala field system depicts over 5,400-segments of rock alignments and walls with a total length of nearly 500-miles.
 
The fields begin near the north tip of the island very close to the coast.  The western margin extends southward at an increasing distance from the coast, with the eastern margin at a higher elevation and also an increasing distance from the coast.
 
From north to south the field system is more than 12-miles in length.  At its maximum, it is more than 2.5-miles in width.
 
Scientists speculate that this farming did not just support the local population, but was also used by Kamehameha to feed the thousands of warriors under his command in his conquest of uniting the islands under a single rule in the late-1700s.
 
Based on experimental plantings, if only half of the Kohala Field System was in production in one year, it could be producing between 20,000 to 120,000-tons of sweet potato in one crop.
 
The system was abandoned shortly after European contact in the early- or mid-19th century.
 
The image shows remnants of the Kohala Field System walls in present pastureland.  A special thanks to Peter Vitousek, former Hawai‘i resident and now Professor at Stanford, for background information and images. 
 
 
 

by Peter T Young 1 Comment

Keauhou Heiau Restoration

Kamehameha Investment (formerly acting as a for-profit arm of Kamehameha Schools) restored heiau on its Keauhou Resort area.

As background, formalized worship, offerings and/or sacrifice by chiefs took place in temples, or heiau.

These structures were typically stone-walled enclosures having several houses and open-air temples with terraces, extensive stone platforms, and numerous carved idols in which ruling chiefs paid homage to the major Hawaiian gods.

There were several types of heiau: including agricultural, economy-related, healing or the large sacrificial war temples.

Erecting heiau was the prerogative and responsibility of the Ali‘i, for only they could command the necessary resources to build them, to maintain the priests and to secure the sacrifices that were required for the rituals.

Though temple worship was primarily an affair of the royalty, the whole land depended upon the effectiveness of these rituals.

I don’t mean any disrespect here, and remember we are talking about heiau that are hundreds of years old. Over the years they aged and disassembled. Prior to restoration, to some, they were just a pile of rocks. The restoration has now allowed people to see the heiau as they once were.

Three significant heiau have been restored at Keauhou: Hāpaiali‘i Heiau, Ke‘ekū Heiau and Mākole‘ā Heiau. Using modern-day technology coupled with ancient techniques, restoration of the heiau using the Hawaiian art of uhau humu pōhaku (dry stack masonry) have rebuilt the massive stone platforms.

Hāpaiali‘i Heiau

Information suggests that Hāpaiali‘i Heiau was built by Ma‘a, a kahuna of Maui, who later left for Kaua‘i.

The period of Ma‘a was said to be later than that of Pa‘ao. Carbon dating indicates the heiau was built on a smooth Pāhoehoe lava flow sometime between 1411 and 1465. The heiau was for prayers only.

Ke‘ekū Heiau

Ke‘ekū Heiau is an imposing, heavy-walled enclosure surrounded on the west, north, and east by the ocean at high tide.

Tradition indicates that, after building it, Lonoikamakahiki attacked Kamalalawalu, king of Maui, who had invaded Hawai‘i, and that after defeating Kamalalawalu, Lonoikamakahiki offered him as a sacrifice at Ke‘ekū.

The spirits of his grieving dogs, Kauakahi‘oka‘oka and Kapapako, are said to continue to guard this site. Outside the entrance to the heiau and towards the southwest are a number of petroglyphs on the pāhoehoe. One of them is said to represent Kamalalawalu.

During restoration, it was discovered that the heiau also served as a solar calendar. On the winter solstice, from a spot directly behind the temple’s center stone, the sun sets directly off the southwest corner of the heiau; at the vernal equinox, the sun sets directly along the centerline of the temple and at summer solstice, it sets off the northwest corner.

Mākole‘ā Heiau

Mākole‘ā Heiau (also known as Ke‘ekūpua‘a,) is located 600 feet from the ocean, on the same tidal flat as Hāpaiali‘i Heiau and Ke‘ekū Heiau.

The backwater nearly encircles Ke‘ekū Heiau at high tide does not quite reach Mākole‘ā. Tradition indicates that the heiau had been built (or consecrated) by Lonoikamakahiki and that it was used for prayers in general.

Historic Hawai‘i Foundation awarded Preservation Honor Awards for these efforts.

I applaud Kamehameha Investment for these restorations. While ruins of a heiau are impressive, I really think people today can get a far better appreciation of what heiau are, after they have been restored.

The photo notes the before and after of the restoration of Hāpaiali‘i Heiau (photos primarily from Keauhou Resort.)

(In 2013, Kamehameha Schools began consolidating operations, bringing the day-to-day land management activities of Kamehameha Investment Corporation under the school’s auspices.)

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by Peter T Young Leave a Comment

Kumuhonua

Papa and Wākea are the Earth Mother and Sky Father of Polynesian religion. According to a widely accepted Hawaiian tradition, they are the first ancestors of the kanaka maoli, standing at the beginning of genealogical time. (Kawaharada)

Kumu-honua, literal meaning: ‘earth beginning’ was the first man of Hawaiian mythology. His wife was called Lalo-honua, ‘earth below’.  (Oxford)

The original garden made for mankind by the god Kane contained fruits and animals, all of which were available to Kumu-honua and his wife, except for a sacred tree.

The apples and the bark of this tree were forbidden, but like the biblical pair they broke the law and were expelled. A great white albatross drove them out. In one version of the myth it is a ‘great seabird with a white beak’ that persuaded Lalo-honua to eat the sacred apples of Kane. (Oxford)

The Kumuhonua tradition, according to which Ho‘okumu-ka-honua (Founding of the race), as his name implies, is the original ancestor, is recited on Molokai. Hawaii and Maui genealogists favor the O-puka-honua (Opu‘u-ka-honua) or Budding-of-the-race. Oahu and Kauai follow the Kane-huli-honua (Over-turner of the race) ancestral line.  (Beckwith)

The Kumuhonua legend includes the story of the creation, by Kane and his associates, of Kumu-honua and his wife Lalohonua, of their placing in a fertile garden from which they were driven because of disobedience to the laws of Kane (which some say had to do with a “tree”) …

… of the change made in his name to Kane-la‘a-uli as a fallen chief, and of his retreat to Pu‘u-ka-honua after his trouble with Kane. It is impossible to say just what the legend originally implied.

Kamakau speaks of Kane-la‘a-uli as “a noted chief who respected the laws and proposed excellent reforms which he was unable to carry through because of the greed of chiefs and so died.”

Kepelino and Fornander papers make him responsible for the coming of death into the world. Kepelino is writing for the Catholic fathers and interested in interpreting genuine old tradition in the light of Christian teaching.

Kamakau is a journalist, setting things down as he interprets them and unrestrained by foreign criticism and, it would seem, without access to either the Kepelino or Fornander papers.  (Beckwith)

“Collating the different narratives thus preserved, I learn that the ancient Hawaiians at one time believed in and worshipped one god, comprising three beings, and respectively called Kane, Ku, and Lono, equal in nature, but distinct in attributes …”

“… the first, however, being considered as the superior of the other two, a primus inter pares; that they formed a triad commonly referred to as Ku-kau-akahi lit. ‘Ku stands alone,’ or ‘the one established,’ and were worshipped jointly under the grand and mysterious name”.  (Fornander)

Malo calls Kumuhonua the father, through his wife Ka-mai-eli (The digger), of the root of the land (mole o ka honua), which may be interpreted as the rootstock of the race.  On the Kumuhonua genealogy a line of chiefs leads down from Kumuhonua, the first man descended from the gods.  (Beckwith)

“These gods existed from eternity, from and before chaos, or, as the Hawaiian term expresses it, ‘mai ka Po mai’ – from the time of night, darkness, chaos.”

“By an act of their will these gods dissipated or broke into pieces the existing, surrounding, all-containing Po, night or chaos, by which act light entered into space. They then created the heavens – three in number – as a place for themselves to dwell in, and the earth to be their footstool, he keehina honua-a-Kane.”

“Next they created the sun, moon, stars, and a host of angels or spirits – i kini akua – to minister to them. Last of all they created man on the model or in the likeness of ‘Kane.’”

“The body of the first man was made of red earth – lepo ula or ala-ea – nd the spittle of the gods – wai-nao – and his had was made of a whitish clay – palolo – which was brought from the four ends of the world by ‘Lono.’”

“When the earth-image of ‘Kane’ was ready, the three gods breathed into its nose and called on it to rise, and it became a living being.”

“Afterwards the first woman was created from one of the ribs – lalo pukaka – of the man while asleep, and these two were the progenitors of all mankind.”

“They are called in the chants and in various legends by a large number of different names, but the most common for the man was Kumu-honua, and for the woman Ke Ola ku honua. Such is the general import of the Kumuhonua legend.” (Fornander)

“I have three different Hawaiian genealogies, going back, with more or less agreement among themselves, to the first created man. One is the genealogy of Kumuhona, connected with the legend frequently referred to.”

“This gives thirteen generations from ‘Kumuhonua,’ the first man, to ‘Nuu’ or “Kahinalii,’ both inclusive, on the line of Laka, the oldest son of ‘Kumuhonua.’” (Fornander)

“The second genealogy is called that of Kumu-uli, and was of greatest authority among the highest chiefs down to the latest times, and it was tabu to teach it to common people.”

“This genealogy counts fourteen generations from Hulihonua, the first man, to ‘Nuu’ or ‘Nana Nuu,’ both inclusive, on the line of ‘Laka,’ the son of the first man.”

“The third genealogy, which, properly speaking, is that of Paao, the high-priest who came with Pili from Tahiti about twenty-five generations ago, and was a reformer of the Hawaiian priesthood, and among whose descendants it has been preserved, counts only twelve generations from ‘Kumuhonua’ to ‘Nuu,’ on the line of ‘Ka-Pili,’ the youngest son.”

“These three genealogies were from ancient times considered as of equal authority and independent of each other, the ‘Kumuhonua’ and ‘Paao’ genealogies obtaining principally among the priests and chiefs on Hawaii”.  (Fornander),

“Tradition says that the first man, Kumuhonua, was buried on the top of a high mountain and his descendants were all buried around him until the place was filled.”  (Fornander)

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