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May 10, 2023 by Peter T Young Leave a Comment

Sammy Amalu

Bob Krauss was a man of words and he certainly had a way with words.  The following is from an article he wrote noting the death of Sammy Amalu and highlighting some of Amalu’s activities. Here is what Krauss had to say …

Sammy Amalu, 68, died yesterday at Queen’s Medical Center. That’s the official word from the emergency room at Queen’s. But it may be difficult for some skeptics to believe that Sammy isn’t setting us up for another caper – the most outrageous of all in a lifetime that shifted between dreams and reality with bewildering ease.

Sammy’s life was what Shakespeare must have been thinking about when he wrote, ‘If this were played upon a stage now, l could condemn it as an improbable fiction.’

He claimed to be of royal descent: His Highness Samuel Crowningburg-Amalu, High Chief Kaplikauinamoku Prince of Keawe.

He graduated from Punahou School and two federal prisons. He said he also attended Oxford University in England and Waseda Doshisha University in Japan.

In 1956 he failed to show up for his own wedding but the bride went ahead with the champagne reception anyway. The next day he said he had been kidnapped by relatives who opposed the marriage.

In 1962, he talked Hawaii’s leading financiers and hotel executives into selling him $75 million worth of prime real estate in a deal that made front page headlines. Sammy didn’t have the price of cab fare to the  airport.

He was so persuasive that he talked a guard at Folsom Prison into smuggling out a $175,000 bum check Sammy had written. At the time Sammy was in prison for writing a $200 bum check.

He was still in prison when he began writing his column for The Advertiser. Some readers think he wrote some of his best columns there.

Even while he was alive, reporters struggled to sift fact from fiction about Sammy. Now it’s probably impossible.

He claimed descent from King William Liholiho and Kaleimamahu, brother of Kamehameha I, and the Crowningburg family which came to Hawaii from Germany in 1870.

He was born on Kauai to Charles and Ethel Amalu.  After graduating from Punahou, in 1935, Sammy attended the University of Hawaii. He served briefly in the U.S. Army during World War ll.

His first reported marriage in 1946 was to a daughter of a prominent family in Italy, Maria Anastasia di Torionia. A later newspaper report doubted whether the marriage actually took place.

His “second” marriage, in 1956, was to Jane Tomberlain, a wealthy divorcee whose former husband was a millionaire oilman. It later ended in divorce.

His last marriage was to Honolulu Realtor Ann Fetzer in 1973.

Throughout most of his life, Sammy was plagued with a weakness for writing bad checks.

In 1950, he was convicted of embezzlement for writing two bum checks in the Philippines. Shortly after his marriage in 1956, he was indicted by a federal grand Jury in Denver for passing bogus checks again.

He was found guilty and served a four-year term at the federal penitentiary at Leavenworth, Kan.

While many of Sammy’s checks were bad, they were always written with style. He was a poet, too. Above all, he was an actor who invented his roles with headspinning profligacy.

His greatest triumph in turning make believe into reality began with a story in May 1962 in the Honolulu Star-Bulletin about a mysterious international syndicate in Switzerland which was offering a total of $75 million for various Island properties.

The story and the headlines, grew as the days passed and new developments took place.

The president of Sheraton Hotels in Boston accepted an offer for $34.5 million for the Royal Hawaiian, Moana Surfrider and Princess Kaiulani hotels.

Sheraton had paid only $18 million for the same properties three years before.

Investor George Murphy received an offer of $5 million for his ranch on Molokai. He had paid, $300,500 for the property seven years earlier.

Financier Chinn Ho was offered $9 million for his Makaha Valley Farms. He had paid $1.25 million for most of the Waianae Coast in 1947.

Reports surfaced of syndicate offers of $11 million for 19 acres on Kapiolani Boulevard, $13 million for an acre on Waikiki Beach and $1 million for downtown parcels.

Real estate agents handling the deals said they did not know with whom they were dealing. United Press International called it “the deepest financial mystery since Captain Cook first introduced money to Hawaii.”

After a week of front page headlines, the executives of the syndicate turned out to be a couple of young hitchhikers Sammy had picked up coming in from the airport.

He had dreamed up the entire complicated hoax as a satire on Hawaii’s frantic real estate boom. Sammy himself skipped off to Seattle,  where he was arrested for writing another bum check and sent to prison.

It was there that he became the nation’s only federal prison inmate to write a column for a metropolitan daily newspaper.

Sammy’s career as a columnist started in the form of letters to an old Punahou classmate, Thurston Twigg-Smith, publisher of The Advertiser.

The letters, describing prison life in Sammy’s graceful and impeccable prose were so funny and interesting that Twigg-Smith decided to try them as columns.

Paroled in 1970, Sammy returned to Honolulu as a fulltime columnist as well as a social and literary lion. He was booked months in advance to speak at public functions.

For his first public appearance, he wore what became his trademark: while trousers, white embroidered barong tagalog, white nylon scarf at the neck and an ornate Hawaiian sash.

In 1976, he suffered an embolism, resulting in paralysis from the waist down. After that, he spent his time in and out of hospitals and his Waikiki apartment, meanwhile writing occasional columns for the Sunday Star-Bulletin and Advertiser.

Briefly, he lived in the household of Mrs. Robert (Gertrude K) Toledo, who was exonerated of the murder of her husband in an August 1984 trial during which Sammy testified in her defense.

In 1970, Sammy wrote his own obituary. It goes like this: ‘Sing no sad songs over my mortal dust.  Nor come to me weeping. I was born of an ancient line, of a high and princely house.’

‘I have known a true friend. I have loved a good woman. I have fathered a son. l have known laughter; I have known tears. I have tasted victory; I have sipped of failure.  Is not all that enough?’

‘Say only this of me when I am no more: He was a child of princes, and the dust of this flesh was fashioned of Hawaii’s soil.’

Funeral arrangement are pending. (Bob Krauss, Hnl Adv Feb 23, 1986)  (Amalu died on Feb. 23, 1986 at the age of 68.)

© 2023 Ho‘okuleana LLC

Filed Under: General, Prominent People, Economy Tagged With: Hawaii, Sammy Amalu

May 2, 2023 by Peter T Young Leave a Comment

Minoru Inaba

Minoru Inaba, the third of nine children, was born on February 20, 1904, in Holualoa, Kana. His parents, Hatsuyo and Zentaro Inaba, were immigrants.

“I think they came here during the latter part of the 1890s. Mother came to Kona with my father – that is, Kitao – and my stepfather came from Papaikou to Kana. He was one of the contract laborers in Papaikou.”

“My father was Zentaro Inaba. That’s my stepfather. My mother was Hatsuyo Inaba. Her maiden name was Hatsuyo Miyamoto. Now, my real father, when I was very young, left for the Mainland. And subsequent to that, my [step]father came to Kona and married my mother. As far as I’m concerned, I don’t know my real father. Ever since my childhood, my father was Zentaro Inaba.”

There were nine of us. Seven boys and two girls. The oldest in my family is my sister. She’s Mrs. Ikeda. Then came Albert. By the way, he was the first principal of Japanese extraction in the state. At that time, of course, it was a territory. He became principal of the Honaunau School. Then he moved to Molokai. During his latter years, he became principal of the Molokai High and Elementary School.”

“Then, I’m the third in the family. Below me there are six. Now, right below me is my sister Fukumi. She was teaching at Pahala. … Then comes Yoshio, who’s an engineer. He served, at one time, for the county as a county engineer under Jimmy Kealoha, who was at that time the executive officer of the County of Hawaii. Now, the office is called the mayor’s office.”

“Then comes Norman Inaba. He’s in business in Honolulu. He has a industrial loan company and also a realty business. Then, next comes Goro, who is now at Holualoa. He has a service station and runs the hotel that mother and father built back in 1926.  Then comes Futoshi. He’s in contracting in Hilo. Then, next comes Jimmy Inaba, who’s an auditor.”

Minoru’s parents “built that hotel – Kona Hotel – in 1926. So, they were running the hotel. … Father used to cook, and mother used to clean the rooms and so on. And they had a girl there that did the rooms. Mother did the laundry and things like that. And father did the cooking.”

“Who were the people who used to stay at the hotel? … Oh, most of them were salesmen … Travelling salesmen. Then, we’d have tourists come in once in a while. Because, at that time, the only hotels were the Kona Inn and Manago Hotel in Kona. And, of course, my folks’ hotel.”

“I guess his cooking ability was the reason they opened the hotel. The hotel food was western and Father was quite a cook. He always served soup which was well liked by the customers … beef soup.”  (Minoru Inaba, Social History)

Minoru attended English and Japanese-language school in Holualoa. In 1925, he was one of five students in Konawaena High School’s first graduating class. During his youth, he was active in kenbu (Japanese interpretive dances performed with the aid of a sword), baseball and football.

He worked on the family coffee farm, “there was no other industry in Kona except coffee farming, and the sugar plantation, for a while. And of course, ranching, they had from way back. There was no tourism. No other businesses except coffee farming in Kona.”

“We picked coffee during the day, and then in the late afternoon, grind the coffee so that it could be dried the following morning. In those days, we used to have a coffee platform. We’d spread the coffee out on the platform, and if it looked like rain, we had to push the coffee up to the edge of the platform and cover it with galvanized iron.”

“Then, later on, somebody thought of an idea where the platform would be covered by a moving contraption, where you could move the whole roof on a track. When it rained, you just push it back. When it was sunny, you’d push it out so that the coffee would dry.”

“You know, when you in the seventh grade like that, to carry one bag of coffee was quite a chore. And load three bags on a donkey and come up the trail. When it rain, the donkey would slip on the trail, fall. Had to unload the coffee, get the donkey up, load it again. I know, many times, I used to cry.” (Minoru Inaba)

Until 1925, Minoru took on many jobs – helping on the family coffee farm, doing canefield work, driving a taxi and school bus, working at a sisal mill, working at the telephone exchange, and doing postal work at Holualoa.

Later, Minoru attended the University of Hawaii, graduating with a bachelor’s degree in education in 1929. In subsequent years, he served as teacher, counselor, coach and vice-principal. He retired in 1968.

“As time went on, I think there’s been a change. It’s vastly different from what it is today than what it was before. As I said, I think, back when I was counselor, they respected law and order more than they do now. They had little more respect for teachers and the elders.”

“But I wouldn’t say that of every youngster today, but I’m speaking in general terms, now. You don’t have that kind of respect that the early youngsters had for their teachers and their elders today.” (Inaba)

Inaba’s 38 years as a teacher, coach, and vice principal at Konawaena High School from the 1920s made him a respected figure. “He had the respect of two generations. He taught fathers and children,” said Kona rancher and former County Councilman Sherwood Greenwell. (Thompson)

“(A)fter having been with the Department of Education for 38 years, I thought maybe I was due for a good rest and do the things that I wanted to do like fishing, things like this. But it didn’t turn out that way.”

“After I retired, in fact, the year that I retired, people approached me, the community people, and asked me if I would not run for elected office.”

“Not having had any experience, I said definitely no, I’m not interested in running for office but upon so many people coming to my home and insisting I run, I finally decided to run and in 1968 I ran for the office of representative from our district (and served for 10-years).” (Inaba, Social History of Kona)

“What Inaba had done as an educator to build individuals, he did for Kona’s physical facilities as a legislator. Inaba obtained money for a new Kona Hospital, to expand Honokohau Harbor, to drill a new water well, making a community water system possible.”

“I can remember the days (before the well) when we all had water tanks in Kona,” said Marnie Herkes of the Kona-Kohala Chamber of Commerce. Inaba brought money to his district “unfailingly,” Greenwell said. (Thompson) Inaba died June 6, 2002.

Here’s a link to a Kona Historical Society video that includes Minoru Inaba:

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=yE2bnqVB_Q0

© 2023 Ho‘okuleana LLC

Filed Under: Prominent People, Schools Tagged With: Minoru Inaba, Hawaii, Kona, Konawaena

April 25, 2023 by Peter T Young Leave a Comment

“Let them take the Islands”

“I wish to inform you that your King has surrendered recently the Kingdom due to the incessant demand to the Commander of the British battleship.  We have tried all means of settling the controversy, but in vain.”

“And therefore, we were given the time to consider as to the matter of surrendering from the hours of the morning to four in the afternoon; that, if we fail to recognize and adhere to the demand, we would likely be killed.” (Kekāuluohi to Kuakini, February 27, 1843)

Let’s see how we got there.

April 25, 1825, Richard Charlton arrived in the Islands to serve as the first British consul. A former sea captain and trader, he was already familiar with the islands of the Pacific and had promoted them in England for their commercial potential (he worked for the East India Company in the Pacific as early as 1821.)

Charlton had been in London during Kamehameha II’s visit in 1824 and secured an introduction to the king and his entourage.  By the time he arrived in Hawai‘i in 1825, instructions had already arrived from Kamehameha II that Charlton was to be allowed to build a house, or houses, any place he wished and should be made comfortable.  This apparently was due to favors Charlton had done for the royal party.  (Hawaiʻi State Archives)

In 1840, Charlton made a claim for several parcels of land in Honolulu. To substantiate his claim, Charlton produced a 299-year lease for the land in question, granted by Kalanimōku.  There was no disagreement over the parcel, Wailele, on which Charlton lived, but the adjoining parcel he claimed, Pūlaholaho, had been occupied since 1826 by retainers and heirs of Kaʻahumanu.

In rejecting Charlton’s claim, Kamehameha III cited the fact that Kalanimōku did not have the authority to grant the lease.  At the time the lease was made, Kaʻahumanu was Kuhina Nui, and only she and the king could make such grants.  The land was Kaʻahumanu’s in the first place, and Kalanimōku certainly could not give it away.  (Hawaiʻi State Archives)  The dispute dragged on for years.

This, and other grievances purported by Charlton and the British community in Hawai‘i, led to the landing of George Paulet on February 11, 1843 “for the purpose of affording protection to British subjects, as likewise to support the position of Her Britannic Majesty’s representative here”.

That day, Paulet sent King Kamehameha III six demands, threatening war if they were not acceded to by 4 pm of the next day.

  1. Restoration of Charlton’s land and reparation for losses
  2. Acknowledgment of the right of Mr Simpson to serve as acting Consul
  3. Guarantee that no British subject shall be subjected to imprisonment, unless it is a felony under  English laws
  4. Written promise given by Kamehameha III for a new trial for Captain Jones
  5. Adoption of steps to resolve disputes between British subjects and Hawaiians
  6. Immediate settlement of grievances and complaints of British subjects against the Hawaiian government

Pressed by demands which became more and more impossible, the King said, “Let them take the islands.”  (Smith)  Before the deadline, the King acceded to the demands under protest, and appealed to the British Government for damages.

But a fresh series of demands having been made, and claims for, the king decided, by Dr Gerrit Judd’s advice, to forestall the intended seizure of the Islands by a provisional cession, pending an appeal to the justice of the home government.

On February 25, the King acceded to his demands and noted, “In consequence of the difficulties in which we find ourselves involved, and our opinion of the impossibility of complying with the demands in the manner in which they are made … “

“… we do hereby cede the group of islands known as the Hawaiian (or Sandwich) Islands, unto the Right Honorable Lord George Paulet … the said cession being made with the reservation that it is subject to any arrangement that may have been entered into by the Representatives appointed by us to treat with the Government of Her Britannic Majesty…”

Under the terms of the new government the King and his advisers continued to administer the affairs of the Hawaiian population.  For business dealing with foreigners, a commission was created, consisting of the King (or his representative,) Paulet and two officers from Paulet’s ship.  Judd served as the representative of the King.  (Daws)

Interesting, at the same time this was going on, three representative of the Hawaiian government were already on the continent and Europe to seek recognition of Hawaiʻi’s sovereignty by other countries.  The King and others were concerned that there may be takeovers by others.

Great Britain claimed Australia and Aotearoa (New Zealand,) the French Marquesas and Society Islands … the Hawaiian Islands’ strategic mid-Pacific position made it a likely next target. Invasion, overthrow and occupation seemed imminent.

In the face of this threat, Kamehameha III commissioned and dispatched three Ministers – an American, Briton and a trusted childhood friend; William Richards, Sir George Simpson and Timoteo Haʻalilio – to secure the recognition of the Hawaiian Kingdom’s independence and protection of public international law that accompanied recognition.  (Hawaiian Journal of Law & Politics)

In April 1842, Simpson left for England; in July, Haʻalilio and Richards departed for the US. By December 1842, the US had recognized the Hawaiian Kingdom; shortly thereafter they secured formal recognition from Great Britain and France.

On April 1, 1843, Lord Aberdeen, on behalf of Her Britannic Majesty Queen Victoria, assured the Hawaiian delegation that: “Her Majesty’s Government was willing and had determined to recognize the independence of the Sandwich Islands under their present sovereign.”

On November 28, 1843, the British and French Governments united in a joint declaration and entered into a formal agreement recognizing Hawaiian independence (Lord Aberdeen signed on behalf of Britain, French ambassador Louis Saint-Aulaire signed on behalf of France.)

The Declaration states:
“Her Majesty the Queen of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland, and His Majesty the King of the French, taking into consideration the existence in the Sandwich Islands of a government capable of providing for the regularity of its relations with foreign nations have thought it right to engage reciprocally to consider the Sandwich Islands as an independent State and never to take possession, either directly or under the title of protectorate, or under any other form, of any part of the territory of which they are composed.”

“The undersigned, Her Britannic Majesty’s principal secretary of state for foreign affairs, and the ambassador extraordinary of His Majesty the King of the French, at the court of London, being furnished with the necessary powers, hereby declare in consequence that their said majesties take reciprocally that engagement.” (Hawaiian Journal of Law & Politics)

Back in the Islands … after five months of British rule, Queen Victoria, on learning the injustice done, immediately sent Rear Admiral Richard Darton Thomas to the islands to restore sovereignty to its rightful rulers. On July 31, 1843 the Hawaiian flag was raised.  The ceremony was held in area known as Kulaokahuʻa; the site of the ceremony was turned into a park Thomas Square.

© 2023 Hoʻokuleana LLC

Filed Under: Ali'i / Chiefs / Governance, Prominent People Tagged With: William Richards, Thomas Square, Gerrit Judd, Hawaii, Admiral Thomas, Oahu, Sovereignty, Queen Victoria, Ka La Hoihoi Ea, Kamehameha III, Richard Charlton, Paulet, Timothy Haalilio

April 24, 2023 by Peter T Young Leave a Comment

Social History of Kona

In 1980, the University of Hawaii conducted an Ethnic Studies Oral History Project that documents a number of individual oral history interviews with people from Kona.  It is a virtual Who’s Who speaking about the old days in Kona.

It was funded, in part, by the Hawaii Committee for the Humanities (HCH) – I served on the Board of the HCH when this project was proposed and approved.  A two-volume set of books titled “A Social History of Kona” was a result of this project.

“In the late 19th century, Kona gained a reputation as a ‘haven’ for immigrants who broke their labor contracts with the islands’ sugar plantations. Many came to grow, pick, or mill coffee in the area’s rocky farmlands.”

“These early immigrants and others who later joined them helped Kona acquire distinction as the only area in the United States to grow coffee commercially for over 100 years.”

Based on selected oral history transcripts, community meeting discussions, and informal conversations with Kona residents, humanities Scholar, Stephen Boggs, Professor of Anthropology at the University of Hawaii-Manoa, prepared a preliminary discussion on values relating to common themes that were identified in the interviews of the Japanese immigrants.

These give you a sense of who these people are. These themes included independence and advancement, tenure and obligation, landownership, economic insecurity, hard work, family responsibility, cooperation between households, isolation and entertainment, and the preservation of ethnic customs.

Independence and Advancement

“The value accorded to independence is clearly indicated in discussions of reasons for migrating to Kona and in comparisons of the meaning of work on coffee farms and plantations.”

“‘Coffee meant freedom’  compared with work on the plantations. Compulsion and demeaning treatment were frequently mentioned as aspects of plantation work.”

“Such are the memories that the first generation frequently passed on to the second.  Compared to this, Kona had the reputation among the first generation as a ‘place, independent, peaceful’ where ‘everyone looked forward to coming.’”

“Work for one’s own benefit made it possible to advance. … Thus, children were encouraged to study as well as work after school, it was said, ‘so they would amount to something.’ The eldest often stayed home to work on the farm so that a younger sibling (usually a brother) could go further in school.”

“Parents encouraged their children to leave farming for higher education, even though they might need them on their farms.  All of this testifies to the importance attached to education, which was assumed to lead to advancement.”

“There is no doubt that advancement was a key value, and even a conscious one, for those who came to Kona.”

Tenure and Obligation

“Advancement was not easy. All that the first generation had when they arrived in Kona was their labor and ingenuity. They had no knowledge of the crops that they would grow, or the growing conditions of Kona.”

“In order to gain access to the necessary land and credit for crop and living expenses, they had to become indebted to merchants, brokers, or other businessmen who bought their crop of coffee.”

“The feeling of obligation to creditors did not depend upon any external sanctions. Instead it was a matter of loyalty: a borrower would be loyal to a creditor above and beyond any contractual obligation.”

There was “the ‘debt adjustment’ of the 1930s. This was a significant historical event in Kona. According to some estimates, hundreds of thousands of dollars which were owed by farmers and could not be repaid because of a long period of low coffee prices worldwide, were forgiven.”

“People in 1980-81 recalled that Amfac was the major benefactor, releasing a million dollars of indebtedness. One can well imagine the relief which this would give to people … In fact people said that the debt reduction probably saved the coffee industry. That was almost the same as saying that it saved the people of Kona, given their strong identification with coffee.”

“The credit system had a beneficial aspect in normal times, as well as creating a burden of obligation. Thus, a farmer could rely upon a creditor when money was needed, unlike those who paid cash only. The credit system thus provided some reassurance.”

Landownership

“Leasing of land was a source of insecurity, although not the most important one. To overcome it people strove to buy land wherever possible. Landownership was thus a value. Even though leases were typically renewed, lease rents could go up, or ownership of the land could change, making continued leasing impossible.”

“Discussing landownership, people added that leasing did not allow you to realize the value of improvements if the lease were terminated. For such reasons, then, people sought to own land.”

Insecurity a Basic Condition

“Plantation workers in Hawaii were largely shielded by their employers from the consequences of fluctuations in prices for sugar and pineapple. They were rarely laid off even during long periods of low prices.”

“But Kona coffee farmers were not protected in this way. World coffee prices often fluctuated severely, with low prices prevailing for a long time. There was no way to avoid the resulting insecurity on the farms.”

“Insecurity was therefore a fundamental condition affecting the development of values in Kona. On the one hand, insecurity heightened the burden of obligation incurred by debt, since even in a good harvest a price drop could make it impossible to repay debts.

“On the other hand, anxiety bred of insecurity caused people to rely even more strongly upon such values as hard work, family responsibility, and cooperation between households, which enabled them to survive. Conversely, however, as security was achieved, support for these values was undercut.”

“When coffee price dropped people took other jobs and planted other crops for income, as well as growing their own food. But income from other crops could not be realized when the entire Kona economy was depressed”.

“Others left Kona to enter other kinds of work. During a three-four year period, when coffee prices were consistently depressed, approximately 80 percent of Kona’s young people and some 54 families abandoned coffee farms in Kona.”

“One can well imagine the insecurity involved in such an exodus, which was faced by those who remained as well as those who left.”

Hard Work

“The first generation and their children worked hard in order to allay the insecurity just described. If their labor and ingenuity were all that they possessed, they made the most of both. Because of reliance upon hard work, it became a value for both generations.”

“We were consistently told in conversations about the old days how hard and long everyone worked. Especially by children describing their parents’ lives. Stories were told: of clearing land and bringing down soil from the forest by hand for planting; of days that began before dawn and lasted until the wee hours of the following day.”

“In those days plantation workers put in ten hours in the fields and twelve in the mills. … During harvests, everyone worked, even the children, partly because their labor was needed, partly in order to teach them to work.”

“People recalled picking as children both before and after school, sometimes as much as two bags. After harvest there was more pruning, cleaning the ground of weeds, and planting subsistence gardens.”

“We were surprised that there were relatively few memories of relaxation during the long season between harvests. The impression given was that people worked all the time, except for holidays and weddings, when there was also work of a different kind, as well as relaxation.”

Family Responsibility

“Working for the family was one of the most cherished values that we encountered. As one person volunteered in one of our earliest meetings, “despite the hardship, coffee was good because the family had to work together, it kept unity in the family, instead of each going their separate ways.’”

“The sense of responsibility was another value that was strengthened by insecurity. Like hard work it provided reassurance, but in a more direct, psychological way.”

“Mention has already been made of children staying back from further schooling in order to send a younger one to school. One result of hard work and family responsibility was that workers from Kona gained a reputation elsewhere for loyalty and good work.”

“Girls especially felt the burden of family responsibility. They more than boys were held back from school to learn to sew and help on the farm. Consequently, fewer girls than boys in the second generation went to high school, some being educated at the Buddhist missions instead.”

Cooperation Between Households

“People knew that they could expect help from one another when problems or difficulties occurred, which was also a strong psychological reassurance.”

“Reliance upon the kumiai [Japanese community groups] when demands exceeded what one family could do led naturally into reliance upon the kumiai for go-betweens to settle disputes.  Members of the kumiai provided other services as well, including repairing machinery, helping to start a balky engine, etc.”

“Mention was made earlier of ingenuity. Many examples of this were shown us and described in conversations. Machinery of all kinds was invented and manufactured on the spot from local materials, a treasure of ‘appropriate technology’ exists in Kona. Such improvements were shared.”

“This was the “Spirit of Kona” fostered by the kumiai. … Given the experience described it was natural for Kona’s Japanese to band together to meet other needs as well.”

“Because of the frequent recourse to kumiai (the term is applied to members as well as the organization) and the principle of mutual help on which it was based, there is little wonder that kumiai was identified with ‘the spirit of Kona’s past.’”

“People also referred to it as ‘the center of the neighborhood’ and used it ‘to get messages through’ when households were widely dispersed and means of transportation and communication difficult or nonexistent.”

“These were not the only organizations promoting the value of cooperation among Kona’s first two generations. Informants and group discussions alike insisted upon the importance of tanomoshi, a form of rotating credit association.”

“Funds of the tanomoshi were crucial before credit unions developed to provide money for emergencies, purchase of land or leases, housing, and other large expenditures.”

Isolation and Entertainment

“Some values had their principal basis in circumstances other than insecurity. One such value was coming together for social celebrations and entertainment.”

“The relative isolation no doubt contributed to the emphasis placed by our informants upon the importance of the rare occasions on which people congregated. Every Community Meeting insisted on including this in their history.”

“People also recalled benches in front of stores, on which people could rest to visit on infrequent visits to the store, now sadly out of style. They also remembered the popularity of Japanese movies and the fact that singing was part of almost every get-together.”

Japanese Customs

“Many practices were brought by the first generation from Japan that undoubtedly functioned to provide continuity and identity. …  These practices represented values in themselves.”

“Ties with the Government of Japan were systematically maintained until World War II broke them. Overseas Japanese were registered by a census – the Jinko-chosa. Children and marriages were also registered in simplified form in the koseki (family household register) so as to maintain Japanese citizenship.”

“There was a celebration for the Emperor’s birthday – Tenchosetsu, when a considerable collection was taken up, as on other occasions, such as military victories. When merchant marine ships from Japan paid courtesy calls at Kailua, young people in a group would go down and perform on the porch of the old Amfac Building”.

“The Nisei did not carry on these practices as the first generation did. Indeed, the transition to American ceremonies started with the latter. … With the outbreak of war all external symbols of Japanese tradition had to be disposed of Kona was occupied by American troops, and relations with them were tense.”

Conclusions: The Significance of Kona

“To Japanese Kona meant coffee farming.  It was obvious from the first that people spoke of coffee when they thought of the first generation. The term ‘coffee pioneers’ describes them.”

“This focus upon coffee almost excludes reference to Kona as a land, a place, in the interviews and discussions. It is not that Kona Japanese do not appreciate the beauty of Kona or feel a bond with the place. At least one informant spoke of Kona as ‘an ideal place to retire’ and predicted that many who left would return.”

“But they speak of Kona as a place rarely, while they speak of coffee in every other utterance. Why is this? The answer tells

us much about the meaning of coffee, and hence of Kona, to the Japanese.”

© 2023 Ho‘okuleana LLC

Filed Under: General, Place Names, Prominent People, Economy Tagged With: Kona, Japanese, Kona Coffee, Coffee, Social History of Kona, Hawaii Committee for the Humanities

April 21, 2023 by Peter T Young Leave a Comment

Ellery Chun’s Gift to Hawaiʻi

Ellery J Chun was born in Honolulu in 1909. He graduated from Punahou School in 1927, then went on to Yale University where he graduated in 1931 with a degree in Economics.

Returning to Honolulu, he was the owner of a Chinatown dry goods shop at 36 North King Street, that he renamed King-Smith Clothiers (the store was named after its location, near the intersection King and Smith Streets.)

With the great depression underway, he looked for ways to increase business; he got the idea to promote a local-style shirt.  Using leftover kimono material, he patterned a shirt after the plantation workers’ palaka shirt (short sleeved, un-tucked square bottom.)  They had a few dozen made and hung them in the window.

He called them “Aloha Shirts.”

“Since there was no pre-printed Hawaiian fabric around, I took patterned Japanese yukata cloth and had a few dozen short-sleeve, square-bottomed shirts made up for me. I put the shirts in the front window of the store with a sign that said Aloha Shirts.’ They were a novelty item at first, but I could see that they had great potential.”  (Chun, 1987 Interview, Star-Bulletin)

They started small, having a few dozen bright printed Hawaiian patterns with hula dancers, palm trees and pineapples.  His store became a mecca for a wide range of customers.

In 1936, Chun registered the “Aloha Shirt” trademark.
“It turned out well.”

That year, two firms, Branfleet (the original company was founded in 1936 as a partnership between the Frenchman George Brangier and a Californian, Nat Norfleet; later known as Kahala Sportswear) and the Kamehameha Garment Company, began to shift the focus of the garment industry to a larger and more export-oriented market.

Their products, factory-made sportswear, provided the direction and product line that continues to dominate large segments of the industry today.  (Chinen)

A shipping strike in 1936 forced the companies to explore the local island market which brought them renewed success. The years 1936-1939 were big growth years for the garment industry in general and each company typically came out with 15 or more new shirt designs each year.

Paradise of the Pacific published its first photograph of a man wearing an aloha shirt in 1938. Soon thereafter, movie stars took up the fad. By 1940, officials of the Territorial and City and County governments were allowing their employees to wear aloha shirts, at least in warm weather.  (Schmitt)

After World War II, a gradual change in aloha wear took place with the breakdown of rigid dress requirements for business attire. The business tie and jacket certainly were not comfortable in Hawaiʻi’s summer climate. In 1946, the Honolulu Chamber of commerce appropriated $1,000 to study aloha shirts and prepare suitable designs for clothing businessmen could wear. (Art of the Aloha Shirt)

In 1947, the Hawaiʻi Chamber of Commerce organized an annual event called Aloha Week, during which office workers were encouraged to shed their suits and wear Alohas to work. In the 1960s, the chamber invented Aloha Fridays, which led to casual Fridays.  (Washington Post)

By 1950, however, “screen printing” had emerged, led by companies like Alfred Shaheen and Von Hamm Textiles. This procedure permitted the printing of smaller yardages, expressly for local designers. More important, it permitted brighter and more shaded prints which, from 1947 on, received greater national and international exposure through yearly Aloha Week publicity events.  (Chinen)

Up to the middle to late-1950s was considered the Golden Age of aloha shirts.  Rayon with smooth finish and Hawaiian prints became the pinnacle of aloha shirts. Complicated eye popping patterns containing all aspects of Hawaiian culture and artifacts were included on the aloha shirts, often referred to as “chop suey” prints because of the mixture of content in the design.  (Art of the Aloha Shirt)

The modern era of aloha shirts is considered the 1960s and beyond. In 1962 the Hawaiian Fashion guild staged “Operation Liberation”, giving two aloha shirts to each man in the State House and Senate. The Senate passed a resolution urging the regular wearing of aloha attire from Lei Day, May 1st, and throughout the summer months.

Aloha Friday officially began in 1966, and by the end of the 1960s, the wearing of aloha shirts for business dress any day of the week was accepted.   (Art of the Aloha Shirt)

According to Alfred Shaheen, “It (Aloha dress) was really provincial in Hawaiʻi then; the old timers were into formality.  They weren’t far from missionaries; in fact, many were descendants of the missionaries so they were still pretty strict and puritanical about things. …  So it was a new breed, the younger guys who were ready for a new style.”  (Art of the Aloha Shirt)

With aloha dress accepted as every-day wear, Reyn Spooner shirts came on the scene in the early-1960s.  Reyn McCullough liked Pat Dorian’s original “reverse” print shirt and started to market it in his Ala Moana Center store.  It was a more conservative, “traditional” pullover reverse shirt with a button-down-collar and tails to tuck into slacks.  (Tim McCullough)

“Aloha attire is a pan-ethnic expression.  What it does is show varied influences coming to Hawai’i. Clothing shows us that all the ethnicities have an impact on what we wear.”  (Arthur, UH)

Ellery Chun eventually closed his store and became a bank vice president.  He died in 2000; that year, Governor Ben Cayetano proclaimed “The Year of the Aloha Shirt.”  (Lots of information here from Aloha Shirts of Hawaiʻi, The Art of the Aloha Shirt and Chinen.)

Chun’s legacy lives on.

© 2023 Hoʻokuleana LLC

Filed Under: Economy, General, Prominent People Tagged With: Hawaii, Reyn McCullough, Ellery Chun, Aloha Shirt

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