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September 24, 2017 by Peter T Young 1 Comment

Settlement & Agricultural Development

Folks describe different ‘phases’ or ‘periods’ of human settlement and agricultural development in the Islands over time. Different people use different terms for each of these (some use varying timeframes, as well,) but they seem to generally fall into Settlement, Development, Expansion and ultimately Post-Contact.

Settlement – AD 1000-1400

It is believed that initial Polynesian discovery and settlement of the Hawaiian Islands occurred between approximately AD 1000 and 1200. (Kirch) This effectively started the ‘Settlement’ phase.

The rich valley bottoms which later they would clear, terrace, and irrigate for wet-taro cultivation, were in their pristine state, dense jungle, probably covered mostly with the hau shrub which, where it runs wild, produces a dense, tight jungle. For this jungle the first settlers had no use.

What taro tops they had, they planted along the banks of the streams, as taro is still planted along the banks of irrigation and drainage ditches. If they had sweet-potato shoots, these were planted in sandy soil near their huts.

It is more likely, however, that the first settlers had little or nothing to plant. The plants and more settlers were probably brought by canoes sent back to the homeland.

For generations, the small, slowly growing population clustered around shore sites near streams that supplied them with water. Such sites are best for inshore fishing.

Fishermen and their families living around the bays and the beaches, or at isolated localities along the coast where fishing was practicable, led a life that was materially simpler than that of planters who dwelt on the plains.

The food plants of Hawaiʻi can be divided into three groups: those known as staple foods (the principal starchy foods – kalo (taro,) ʻuala (sweet potato,) ʻulu (breadfruit,) etc;) those of less importance (to add nutrients and variety to the diet;) and those known as famine foods. (Krauss)

With such a small (but growing) population based on the family unit, society was not so complicated that it needed chiefs to govern or oversee the general population.

Kamakau states that there were no chiefs in the earliest period of settlement but that they came “several hundred years afterward … when men became numerous.”

Development – AD 1400-1650

As the ancient Hawaiian population grew, land use and resource management also evolved. The traditional land use in the Hawaiian Islands evolved from shifting cultivation into a stable form of agriculture.

Stabilization required a new form of land use and eventually the ahupua‘a form of land management was instituted (what we generally refer to as watersheds, today.) Ahupuaʻa served as a means of managing people.

In addition, this centralization of government allowed for development and maintenance of large projects, such as irrigation systems, large taro loʻi, large fish ponds, heiau and trails.

To feed more people, farming became more developed and intensified. Only in Hawaiʻi was there such an intensive effort to utilize practically every body of water, from seashore to upland forests, as a source of food, for either agriculture or aquaculture.

Hawaiians built rock-walled enclosures in near shore waters, to raise fish for their communities and families. It is believed these were first built around the fifteenth century.

The ancient Hawaiian fishpond is a sophisticated land and ocean resource management technique. Utilizing raw materials such as rocks, corals, vines and woods, the Hawaiians created great walls (kuapā) and gates (mākāhā) for these fishponds. (Kelly)

Another technological invention by Hawaiian Polynesians was the development of their extended stone-faced, terraced pondfields (lo‘i) and their accompanying irrigation systems (‘auwai) for the intensive cultivation of wetland taro (kalo.)

The terraces were irrigated with water brought in ditches from springs and streams high in the valleys, allowing extensive areas of the valleys to be cultivated. The irrigation ditches and pondfields were engineered to allow the cool water to circulate among the taro plants and from terrace to terrace, avoiding stagnation and overheating by the sun, which would rot the taro tubers.

An acre of irrigated lo‘I kalo produced as much as five times the amount of taro as an acre of dryland cultivation. Over a period of several years, irrigated pondfields could be as much as 10 or 15 times more productive than unirrigated taro gardens, as dryland gardens need to lie fallow for greater lengths of time thin irrigated gardens. (Kelly)

There was systematic cultivation of dryland crops in their appropriate vegetation zones as exemplified by the Field Systems (notable systems are seen in Kona, Kohala, Kaupō, Kalaupapa and Ka‘ū.) (Kelly)

This was a period of tremendous significance in Hawaiian pre-contact history since, during this time, (1) the population underwent a geometric rate of increase; (2) virtually all habitable and arable lands were occupied and territorially claimed; (3) the territorial pattern of chiefdom (moku) and subchiefdom units (ahupua‘a) appears to have been established …

… and (4) toward the end of this period the Hawaiian sociopolitical system was transformed from a simple, ancestral Polynesian chiefdom to a highly stratified society with virtual class differentiation between chiefs and commoners. (Kirch)

Expansion – AD 1650-Contact (1778)

A population peak (usually estimated at several hundred thousand) was reached around 1650 AD, more than 100 years before contact with Europeans.

It was at this population peak, or shortly before, that Hawaiians began to inhabit less favorable coastline areas and barren zones between the coast and upland agricultural sites and to develop extensive dryland agricultural systems in marginal regions. (Cuddihy)

Large-scale irrigation works and permanent field systems were developed during the expansion period. Settlements were intruding into increasingly marginal environments, including the interiors of leeward valleys and the higher elevation slopes. Population densities in the fertile windward valleys increased, although densities in tablelands and elsewhere were much lower.

Cultivation was characterized by a variety of non-irrigated root and tree crops grown for subsistence, each farmer having gardens in one or more vegetation zones. Each crop was cultivated in the zone in which it grew best.

Reverend William Ellis described the area behind Kailua town in Kona above the breadfruit and mountain apple trees as, “The path now lay through a beautiful part of the country, quite a garden compared with that through which they had passed on first leaving the town.”

“It was generally divided into small fields, about fifteen rods square fenced with low stone walls, built with fragments of lava gathered from the surface of the enclosures. These fields were planted with bananas, sweet potatoes, mountain taro, paper mulberry plants, melons, and sugar-cane, which flourished luxuriantly in every direction.”

There was extensive development of at least the mauka portion of the kula sub-zone, for sweet potatoes, wauke and probably also gourds. This development was accompanied rarely by permanent habitation and more often by temporary and seasonal habitation along the kula gardens.

Animal enclosures, probably for pigs, may date to this phase. The upland zones were under complete development by this time. Suitable caves were modified for refuge during times of warfare or social conflict. Caves located in the midst of garden features were intensively used for temporary shelter and work spaces. (Terry)

Post Contact – After 1778

At the time of Captain Cook’s arrival (1778-1779), the Hawaiian Islands were divided into four chiefdoms: (1) the island of Hawaiʻi under the rule of Kalaniʻōpuʻu, who also had possession of the Hāna district of east Maui; (2) Maui (except the Hāna district,) Molokaʻi, Lānaʻi and Kahoʻolawe, ruled by Kahekili; (3) Oʻahu, under the rule of Kahahana; and (4) Kauaʻi and Niʻihau, Kamakahelei was ruler.

Island rulers, Aliʻi or Mōʻī, typically ascended to power through familial succession and warfare. In those wars, Hawaiians were killing Hawaiians; sometimes the rivalries pitted members of the same family against each other.

“It is supposed that some six thousand of the followers of this chieftain (Kamehameha,) and twice that number of his opposers, fell in battle during his career, and by famine and distress occasioned by his wars and devastations from 1780 to 1796.” (Bingham)

In addition to deaths in wars, epidemics of infections added to the decline in Hawaiʻi’s population from approximately 300,000 at the time of Captain Cook’s arrival in 1778 to 135,000 in 1820 and 53,900 in 1876.

Vancouver was appalled by the impoverished circumstances of the people and the barren and uncultivated appearance of their lands. “The deplorable condition to which they had been reduced by an eleven years war” and the advent of “the half famished trading vessels” convinced him that he should pursue his peace negotiations for “the general happiness, of the inhabitants of all the islands.” (Vancouver, Voyage 2)

“By this time nearly a generation of the race had passed away, subsequently to their discovery by Cook. How much of their strength had been exhausted by wars and the support of armies, and how much by new and terrible diseases, it is not easy to estimate. The population was greatly diminished, and the residue unimproved in morals.” (Bingham)

The cultivation of kula lands gradually decreased in extent and intensity, nevertheless remaining important to a decreasing population. Some kula lands were being converted to grazing beginning in the 1840s.

The first commercially-viable sugar plantation, Ladd and Co., was started at Kōloa on Kaua‘i. On July 29, 1835, Ladd & Company obtained a 50-year lease on nearly 1,000-acres of land and established a plantation and mill site in Kōloa.

At the industry’s peak in the 1930s, Hawaii’s sugar plantations employed more than 50,000 workers and produced more than 1-million tons of sugar a year; over 254,500-acres were planted in sugar. That plummeted to 492,000 tons in 1995.

Although sugar dominated the Hawaiian economy, there was also great demand at the time for fresh Hawaiian pineapples, and later canned pineapple. By 1931, pineapple production exceeded 12 million cases as a result of both expansion and improvements in productivity; production of canned pineapple peaked in 1957.

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c. 1826 lithograph, William Ellis C., Big Island. Waipio Valley, Ahupua'a.
c. 1826 lithograph, William Ellis C., Big Island. Waipio Valley, Ahupua’a.
Fish_Ponds_at_Honoruru,_Oahu,_by_John_Murray,_after_Robert_Dampier-(WC)-1836
Fish_Ponds_at_Honoruru,_Oahu,_by_John_Murray,_after_Robert_Dampier-(WC)-1836
P-03-View of Country back of Kailua
P-03-View of Country back of Kailua
Native_Hawaiian_man_pounding_taro_into_poi_with_two_children_by_his_sides-(WC)-c._1890s
Native_Hawaiian_man_pounding_taro_into_poi_with_two_children_by_his_sides-(WC)-c._1890s
Oahu-Kahaluu-kalo-terrace-wall-(WC)
Oahu-Kahaluu-kalo-terrace-wall-(WC)
Water from the ‘auwai going back to the kahawai-(KSBE)
Water from the ‘auwai going back to the kahawai-(KSBE)
Wailau-terraces_walls (Windy K McElroy)
Wailau-terraces_walls (Windy K McElroy)
Ruins of Ancient Loi Kalo (Taro Pond Fields in Lanai)-(lanaichc-org)-1912
Ruins of Ancient Loi Kalo (Taro Pond Fields in Lanai)-(lanaichc-org)-1912
Kona_Field_System-GoogleEarth
Kona_Field_System-GoogleEarth
Kohala Field System-photo-Vitousek
Kohala Field System-photo-Vitousek
Interior fish pond Waikiki Oahu-1905
Interior fish pond Waikiki Oahu-1905
Honolulu_Harbor_to_Diamond_Head-Wall-Reg1690 (1893)
Honolulu_Harbor_to_Diamond_Head-Wall-Reg1690 (1893)
Hawaii_Island_Fishpond_Gate-(WC)
Hawaii_Island_Fishpond_Gate-(WC)
Fishpond_in_east_Molokai-(WC)
Fishpond_in_east_Molokai-(WC)

Filed Under: Economy, General, Hawaiian Traditions Tagged With: Hawaii, Settlement, Fishpond, Dryland, Agriculture, Loi

September 22, 2017 by Peter T Young 2 Comments

Hula ‘Auana

The Panama-Pacific International Exposition was held in San Francisco in 1915 to celebrate the completion of the Panama Canal, as well as support San Francisco’s recovery from the devastating 1906 earthquake and fire.

The Exposition looked to the future for innovation. Things we take for granted today – cars, airplanes, telephones, and movies – were in their infancy and were shown off at the fair, and some well-known technological luminaries were involved in the fair.

The San Francisco Exposition was also the launching site for broader awareness of hula ‘auana, contemporary hula – it was featured in the Hawaii exhibits.

There, ‘Princess Lei Lokelani’ performed traditional foot movements – ku‘i and ‘uwehe – to modern ‘ukulele and steel guitar songs – this also launched the hapa-haole (half “foreign”) hula phenomenon into broader markets. (Wianecki)

Traditional Hawaiian music was based upon mele oli and mele hula as performed in the pre-Western-contact era. Mele oli means plain chanting, while mele hula signifies chanting accompanied by hula.

There are many different types of hula. Today, hula has been divided into two main categories; hula ‘auana and hula kahiko, also known as modern hula and ancient hula.

Within the ancient hula, or hula kahiko, there are several different type; to begin with, the three basic ancient dances hula pahu, hula ku‘i and hula ‘āla‘apapa provide the starting point for the kahiko dances we see today.

The hula pahu dances were, originally a part of heiau, or temple, rituals and were danced in honor of “the akua – Kāne, Kanaloa, Kū and Lono – the ‘state gods’, who had been recognized by all Hawaiians and were intimately involved in Polynesian cosmology and the ordering of Hawaiian society”. (Kaepple)

After the overthrow of the Hawaiian religious system in 1819, by the Hawaiians themselves, the rituals were transferred to honor ‘aumākua (deified ancestors) who had not been overthrown, such as Pele, Laka and Kapo.

The hula pahu dances are defined by a certain rhythmic pattern and by certain chants. They are danced to the beats of the pahu drum.

The movements of the hula pahu originally objectified or embodied the work of kahuna (priests or spiritual mentors) and was according to legend, brought to Hawai‘i, along with the pahu drum, from Tahiti by La‘amaikahiki.

The hula ku‘i originated in the Kalākaua era, and had its first public appearance during the coronation ceremonies of King Kalākaua in 1883. The hula ku‘i is accompanied by mele, and usually instruments like the guitar or the ‘ukulele. The dance style is softer than the hula pahu, yet not as soft as the modern ‘auana

The hula ‘āla‘apapa is an ancient hula that is accompanied by chant, and danced to the rhythm of the double gourd ipu, ipu heke, with “vigorous and bombastic” movements. The dance is performed in a standing position, and the ho‘opa‘a is responsible for both the rhythm and the chanting.

The ‘ōlapa/ku‘i dances and the ‘āla‘apapa dances are very much alike to the untrained eye, but differences lie in the movement and rhythmic patterns and the flow of the chants.

Mele hula kuʻi – chant and dance style with western influences – developed in the late-19th and early 20th centuries from mele hula. These three forms served as the foundations of authentic Hawaiian music. (Torgersen)

At the corner of what is now Baker Street and Marina Boulevard in San Francisco’s Marina District was where the Hawaiian Pavilion stood during the Panama-Pacific International Exposition.

These Hawaiian shows had the highest attendance at the entire fair and launched a Hawaiian cultural craze that influenced everything from American music, to movies, to fashion. (Mushet)

“The hugely popular Hawaii pavilion … showcased Hawaiian music and hula dancing, and was the unofficial launching pad for ukulele-mania.” Hapa-haole songs were featured in the Hawaii exhibits.

The ‘Princess’ was 15-year old Elizabeth Jonia Leilokelani Shaw; she and her family were a hit at the Exposition – Shaw had moved from the Islands to Portland with her family. Her first professional performance was at the exposition; she later danced contemporary hula in vaudeville.

Hula ‘auana are always accompanied by mele, and have soft and floating movements. The ‘auana is also inspired by the hula of the 20th century up until the late 1960s, including the hapa haole styled hula. (Torgersen)

The costumes of the hula ‘auana are different from the kahiko costumes, which usually involve a pā‘ū (hula skirt) and a top to match the pā‘ū for female dancers, and a malo (loincloth) for the male dancers, as well as anklets, wristlets and a headpiece made from traditional hula plants and flowers.

The ‘auana costumes often involve mu‘umu‘u (long dress or gown) for women and black pants, a shirt and sash for the men. The women often have large headpieces made from flowers and greens and may wear shoes as part of the costume.

The kahiko dances must always be danced barefoot, and the dancer is not allowed any jewelry or excessive makeup. (Torgersen)

By 1916, there were hundreds of Hapa Haole tunes written. That same year, reportedly more Hawaiian records were sold on the mainland than any other type of music. And they came in all the popular styles of the day: in ragtime, blues, jazz, foxtrot and waltz tempos, as “shimmy” dances and–even–in traditional hula tempos, but jazzed up a bit.

In 1935, a radio program began, broadcasting live from the Banyan Court of the Moana Hotel on the beach at Waikīkī, and radios nationwide tuned in to hear “Hawaii Calls.” Not only did nearly every island entertainer cut his or her teeth on the program, many went on to become well known.

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Princess Lei Lokelani Promotional
Princess Lei Lokelani Promotional
'Jonia and Her Hawaiians'
‘Jonia and Her Hawaiians’
Hawaii Band and Dancers-(Shaw)-1916
Hawaii Band and Dancers-(Shaw)-1916
Elizabeth L. Jonia Leilokelani Shaw-
Elizabeth L. Jonia Leilokelani Shaw-
Elizabeth L. Jonia Leilokelani Shaw
Elizabeth L. Jonia Leilokelani Shaw

Filed Under: Hawaiian Traditions Tagged With: Hawaii, Auana, Hapa Haole, Elizabeth Jonia Leilokelani Shaw, Hula . Kahiko

September 13, 2017 by Peter T Young Leave a Comment

South Side of East Maui

“The high lands all along the south side of East Maui … are very fine for farming. It is the region in which most of the Irish potatoes are raised for the ships at Lāhainā, and all the wheat raised at the Islands is grown here.”

“Its climate, also, is highly salubrious, and it will yet be the garden of the Sandwich Islands, from which not only whale-ships, but the hotels of San Francisco, shall obtain their supplies.” (Cheever, 1851)

The first written description of the region was made by La Pérouse in 1786 while sailing along the southeast coast of Maui in search of a place to drop anchor:

“I coasted along its shore at a distance of a league (three miles) …. The aspect of the island of Mowee was delightful. We beheld water falling in cascades from the mountains, and running in streams to the sea, after having watered the habitations of the natives …”

“… which are so numerous that a space of three or four leagues (9 – 12 miles, about the distance from Hāna to Kaupō) may be taken for a single village.” (La Pérouse, 1786; Bushnell)

“But all the huts are on the seacoast, and the mountains are so near, that the habitable part of the island appeared to be less than half a league in depth.”

“The trees which crowned the mountains, and the verdure of the banana plants that surrounded the habitations, produced inexpressible charms to our senses…”

“… but the sea beat upon the coast with the utmost violence, and kept us in the situation of Tantalus, desiring and devouring with our eyes what it was impossible for us to attain … After passing Kaupō no more waterfalls are seen, and villages are fewer.” (La Pérouse, 1786; Bushnell)

“Two days and nights of continued mule-riding and canoeing from Wailuku, through the bishopric of Mr Green and the Blind Preacher (Pua‘aiki – Bartimeus) have brought us, worn and weary, to the quiet station of Hana, East Maui, where visitors, or haoles of any sort, seldom make their way.”

“It is too inaccessible, and far from any port, for sailors to get to; and the way is too rough and long for common travellers and explorers.” (Then Rev Henry T Cheever describes the Alaloa (long trail) in southeast Maui, built by Kihapi‘ilani and improved by Hoapili.)

“Yet it is a way not devoid of interest and novelty, especially that part of it which runs from Honuaula to Kahikinui and Kaupo; for it is a road built by the convicts of adultery, some years ago, when the laws relating to that and other crimes were first enacted, under the administration of the celebrated chief Hoapili, in whom was the first example of a Christian marriage.”

“It is altogether the noblest and best Hawaiian work of internal improvement I have anywhere seen. It is carried directly over a large verdureless tract, inundated and heaved up by an eruption from the giant crater of Hale-a-ka-la …”

“… and when it is considered that it was made by convicts, without sledge-hammers, or crowbars, or any other instrument but the human hands, holding a stone, and the Hawaiian Oo, it is worthy of great admiration. It is as great a work for Hawaiians, as digging the Erie Canal to Americans.”

“A Yankee engineer, to stand on either side of that vast field and yet, by reason of its pits, and ravines, and blown-up hills, and dislocations, not a field, but a chaos of blackened lava-would be confounded and put to his wit’s end to know where to begin and carry a road.”

“Were the waves of the ocean, in a tempest, when wind and current, or the former swell, were in conflict, to be suddenly congealed to the depth of twenty or thirty feet, and the water below to be then in a moment let off, or vanish, the bed of old Ocean would not exhibit such a rugged, confused, and unnavigable waste as these tracts of broken lava.”

“Or, as I have seen it somewhere illustrated, if the furious rapids of a mighty river had been turned into ink, and the cold of a winter’s day at the poles applied, and every part had become instantaneously congealed in the position …”

“… where it was just then whirling, tossing, foaming, and tumbling, while millions of flint-like particles, shivered from the mass by the suddenness and intensity of the operation, lay scattered about, it might perhaps present an aspect like that of this old current from a volcano.” (Cheever, 1851)

“Straight over such a tract, crime itself, under the energetic management of Hoapili, has built a commodious road from Honolulu to Kaupo. Like the old man in ‘The Rime of the Ancient Mariner,’ we almost ‘blessed it unawares,’ as our mules safely trotted or cantered by moonlight over the path it had made.”

“It is made by running two parallel walls about twenty feet apart, then partially macadamizing the space between, and covering it with grass or stubble.”

“For fifteen or twenty miles it runs almost like a railroad, only turning a little now and then to avoid some gigantic boulder, or forced into a zigzag to get over some precipitous ravine, which it would seem as if an impetuous after-stream of devouring fire from the mountain had ploughed and eaten through, till it reached the sea.” (Cheever)

Because Haleakalā creates a rain shadow effect, the leeward lands at Kahikinui are quite arid. They typify what the Hawaiian scholar David Malo called the “dry lands,” the ‘āina malo‘o.

In such areas the sweet potato was the principal crop of the Hawaiian inhabitants, although dryland taro might also have been grown in the higher elevations. In Malo’s words, farming such an ‘āina malo‘o “was a laborious occupation and called for great patience, being attended with many drawbacks”. (Pacific Legacy)

A little farther north is Kaupo. Historic records note that this region was identified as “the greatest continuous dry planting area in the Hawaiian islands,” both in ancient times and well into the 1930s. But this old culture was vanishing due to a combination of economic and climatic circumstances.

Oral traditions state that sweet potatoes were cultivated from sea level up to about 2,000 feet elevation and great quantities of dry taro were planted in the lower forest belt from one end of the district to the other.

Using high-resolution color aerial photographs of Kaupō and then confirming their findings on the ground, archaeologists identified grid patterns over significant parts of the landscape, confirming the existence of a major dryland field system, the first to be identified for Maui Island.

The field system a closely spaced grid of east-west embankments and small field plots bisected at right angles by longer north-south trending walls; it covered an area of 3,000 to nearly 4,000-acres and could have supported a population of 8,000-10,000 people. (Kirch)

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Historic_Moku_of_Maui-(WC)-Map
Historic_Moku_of_Maui-(WC)-Map
Historic_Mokus_of_Maui_Map_(Kahikinui)-AhaMoku
Historic_Mokus_of_Maui_Map_(Kahikinui)-AhaMoku
Photo of Naholoku Fan at Kaupo Gap-(Kirch)
Photo of Naholoku Fan at Kaupo Gap-(Kirch)
Map of Features and Soil Age-(Kirch)
Map of Features and Soil Age-(Kirch)
Kaupo_Dryland_Field_System
Kaupo_Dryland_Field_System
Kahikinui-gullies-hawp
Kahikinui-gullies-hawp
Leeward_Haleakala_Kahikinui_Forest-DLNR
Leeward_Haleakala_Kahikinui_Forest-DLNR
Hoapili_Trail-LaPerouse-Bay
Hoapili_Trail-LaPerouse-Bay
Hoapili_Trail-Honuaula-(Project_Kaeo)-(Horse-Cart-1824-1834)
Hoapili_Trail-Honuaula-(Project_Kaeo)-(Horse-Cart-1824-1834)
Hoapili_Trail-Kula_Honuaula_Kahikinui_Kaupo-(Project_Kaeo)-(Horse-Cart-1824-1834)
Hoapili_Trail-Kula_Honuaula_Kahikinui_Kaupo-(Project_Kaeo)-(Horse-Cart-1824-1834)
Hoapili_Trail-Kanaloa_Point
Hoapili_Trail-Kanaloa_Point
Hoapili Trail
Hoapili Trail
Hoapili Trail-(NPS)
Hoapili Trail-(NPS)

Filed Under: Economy, General, Hawaiian Traditions, Place Names Tagged With: South Maui, East Maui, Hawaii, Hoapili, Kaupo, LaPerouse, Field System, Kaupo Field System, Kaupo Gap

September 9, 2017 by Peter T Young 2 Comments

E Ho‘opono

“(T)he importance of this forest is that it’s so diverse. It’s been able to withstand a lot of lava flows. And so, in the destruction or covering of portions of the forest, they’ve been able to regenerate and come out with a healthier, stronger species.”

“Same with the birds that are able to survive at a lower area, despite the mosquitoes that bring the avian malaria. These birds are healthy. They’re low-lying and they’ve built up an immunity to the avian malaria disease.”

“And so wiping out this forest, they don’t go to other places. This is their home. Just like the people around here; they can’t go to other places. This is where they’ve been raised, where the generations have been raised.”

“This forest, the last low-land rain forest is intact and is very necessary to re-seed the lands that Pele has covered. So the important thing is that these lands need to be intact if we’re going to re-grow our forests a thousand years from now.” (Aluli, Kumupaʻa)

“The Hawaiian people followed protocols when they gathered and harvested from native ecosystems. These required that the gatherers prepare themselves spiritually before setting out and that they maintain an appropriate mental attitude before, during and after collecting the desired materials.”

“The physical process of gathering always involved going about one’s business quietly, asking permission, giving thanks, and treating the plants or animals to be collected – and everything else in their environment – with respect.”

“Every aspect of the gathering process, whether mental or physical, spiritual or practical, was reflected in a single guiding principle: ‘treat all of nature’s embodiments with respect.’ The overall effect of this attitude was to minimize the impact of gathering on native ecosystems.”

“‘Entry chants’ were offered to ask permission of the forest or other plant community for entry and to protect the collector from misfortune.”

“The chants were an expression of the gatherer’s respect for and good intentions toward all of the beings that lived there, including the akua, plants, animals, rocks, streams, etc.”

“Similarly, chants were offered before any plant was collected, out of respect for the plants themselves and for the akua to whom those plants were dedicated.”

“A quiet demeanor not only displayed the appropriate attitude of respect, but it allowed the collector to be alert to signs that were ‘bad omens.’”

“For example, some signs might indicate that a particular plant should not be picked for medicinal purposes, as it might make the medicine bad.”

“Other signs might indicate that this was not the right time for collecting anything at all, and that the collector should turn around and go home.”

“Plants and plant parts were removed carefully, and one never took more than was needed. Ferns were broken carefully at the base of the frond, taking care not to uproot the plant.”

“Besides showing appropriate respect for the plant, this conservation ensured that the plant would survive and remain healthy, so that it could produce more fronds later. Similarly, other plant parts were removed in ways that minimized the impact to the plant.”

“Gathering typically was spaced out in some way, taking a little here and a little there, as expressed just above. According to several other kupuna, the reasoning behind this practice was that it prevented the other plants of the type being collected from becoming lili (jealous) and squabbling among themselves.”

“Ecologically, of course, this practice helped to ensure that no area was completely stripped of a certain plant species and that harvesting could be sustained.”

“Most people would agree that these gathering principles embody appropriate treatment of those we love and respect. For example, when we enter the home of a friend today, we usually ask permission; we try not to impose on their hospitality or damage their home.”

“So it was that Hawaiians approached gathering from native ecosystems – good manners and plain common sense guided their behavior.” (Anderson-Fung and Maly)

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Apapane in Ohia lehua
Apapane in Ohia lehua

Filed Under: Hawaiian Traditions Tagged With: Hawaii, Gathering, Traditional and Customary Practices, T&C

August 31, 2017 by Peter T Young 3 Comments

Niu

Revelations 22:2 refers to the coconut as “the tree of life, which bears twelve manner of fruits, and yieldeth her fruit every month.” Scientists generally believe that coconut came from the Indian Archipelago or Polynesia. (Tsai)

Early Arabs and Europeans in the first half of the ninth century mentioned that travellers to China referred to the use of coir fiber and of toddy. Medieval writers called the coconut the Indian nut, a palm tree the frond of which produced a fruit as large as a man’s head.

The genus name of coconut (Cocos) probably was derived from the Spanish word coco, used to describe a monkey’s face, because of the three “eyes” at the base of the coconut shell. (CTAHR)

When the first Polynesians landed and settled in Hawaiʻi (about 1000 to 1200 AD (Kirch)) they brought with them shoots, roots, cuttings and seeds of various plants for food, cordage, medicine, fabric, containers, all of life’s vital needs.

“Canoe crops” (Canoe Plants) is a term to describe the group of plants brought to Hawaiʻi by these early Polynesians. One of these was ‘niu,’ the coconut; they used it for food, cordage, etc.

Hawai‘i is on the edge of the coconut belt. The coconut bears better nearer the equator, where it is more widely used than here. In Hawai`i there are other plants, native and introduced, that provide as well for people’s needs.

This palm is the most useful plant of the tropics. It is said that more uses are made of it than any other tree in the world. Besides drink, food and shade, niu offers the possibilities of …

… housing, thatching, hats, baskets, furniture, mats, cordage, clothing, charcoal, brooms, fans, ornaments, musical instruments, shampoo, containers, implements and oil for fuel, light, ointments, soap and more. (CanoePlants)

The tree bears fruit around the seventh birthday, for up to 70-100 years, providing food for a human lifetime. There may be up to 50 fruit a year. A he‘e (octopus) was often planted in the bottom of the hole, furnishing fertilizer and giving the plant the idea of roots that spread and grip, and a body that is fat and round.

As food, the niu flesh or meat is used for different purposes, depending upon the maturity of the nut. The jelly-like spoon meat of a green nut is called ‘o‘io. The next stage is haohao, when the shell is still white and the flesh soft and white.

Half ripe, at the ho‘ilikole state, it is eaten raw with Hawai`i red salt and poi. At the o‘o stage, the nut is mature, but the husk not dried.

The flesh of a mature nut at the malo`o stage is used to make coconut cream, which when mixed with kalo (taro) makes a dish called kulolo; with ‘uala (sweet potato) it is called poipalau; and paipaiee with ripe ‘ulu (breadfruit.) (CanoePlants)

The trunks used to make house posts, small canoes, hula drums, or food containers. Leaves (launiu) used to for baskets, thatch and for fans, known as some of the finest in Polynesia. Leaf sheaths used as food or fish-bait wrappers.

Husk fibers also used for cordage to make nets or lashing, known as ‘aha; the cordage could be coarse or fine. The cordage can be made into supports for ‘umeke (bowls) or other round-based objects.

Shell of fruit was used for eating utensils, such as spoons, bowls, plates, as well as ‘awa cups and strainers for ‘awa. Niu shells also served for storage containers, lids, and knee drums or puniu; the fibers are made into a drum beater

A musical instrument, the hokiokio, can also be made from coconut shell. Small mortars and bull roarers (oeoe) are also made from the niu shell. Sometimes the niu “shell” used to make ‘uli‘uli (hula rattles.)

Niu water used as a drink, and flesh eaten raw or with poi. Oil from meat used on body and hair. The mid-rib of the niu leaf is used as the “skewer” for a kukui nut torch (kali lukui). (Bishop Museum)

Later, some commercial uses of niu included copra. “Samples of copra (dried meat of coconut) grown here have been forwarded to San Francisco ….”

“The quality of the product is excellent, comparing favorably with that of the best grade received in that market, and the price per pound is satisfactory. So well pleased are the people on the Coast that they have signified a willingness to take all that can be shipped to them.”

“The copra is compressed and the extracted oil used in the manufacture of soaps, and as oils in the manufacture of high-grade paints. Another use to which it is put is the manufacture of shredded cocoanut, which is utilized by confectioners and bakers. The fiber is made into hawsers (ropes) for towing purposes.” (Pacific Commercial Advertiser, May 12, 1907)

“One of the uses to which copra is put and for which there has not yet been found an available substitute is in the production of salt water soap, soap that will lather and be effective in salt water. (Pacific Commercial Advertiser, September 15, 1907)

“‘Don’t wait to get fresh milk from Honolulu. Use the cow of the Pacific.’ The coconut is known as the cow of the Pacific. Its milk is very nourishing. I said, ‘Get me two nuts and I’ll show you how to make both cream and milk.’” (Fullard-Leo)

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Coconuts
Coconuts
niu_base_pahu_hula-bishopmuseum
niu_base_pahu_hula-bishopmuseum
Niu_and_Kukui_Light_(BM)-7745
Niu_and_Kukui_Light_(BM)-7745
Rope from coconut husks
Rope from coconut husks
Readying_Canoe_for_a_Voyage-(HerbKane)
Readying_Canoe_for_a_Voyage-(HerbKane)
Niu-Coconut-(NPS photo by Bryan Harry)
Niu-Coconut-(NPS photo by Bryan Harry)
Coconut container-nuts
Coconut container-nuts
baby_coconut_trees
baby_coconut_trees
Coconut
Coconut

Filed Under: Economy, General, Hawaiian Traditions Tagged With: Hawaii, Canoe Crop, Niu, Canoe Crops, Coconut

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