Ali’i / Chiefs / Governance | Page 97

October 3, 2017 by Peter T Young 1 Comment

Ahole Hōlua

“A fair road leads across a barren a-a flow to Miloli‘i, the largest and best specimen of an exclusively Hawaiian village on the Island, which is seldom visited.”

“It is splendidly situated by a sand beach, the sea coming right up to the yard walls, and is inhabited by a rather large population of Hawaiians, who prosper through the fishing which is almost phenomenally good.”

“A fair trail leads south to Honomalino, where there are no houses, but a splendid sand beach, where turtle abound. The trail leads south, along the beach, to the Okoe landing, where there is only one house, and to Kapu‘a, used as a cattle shipping point, where there are two houses.”

“Just south of this is Ahole, where there is a perfect papa hōlua, about 400 to 500 feet long, appearing as if it had been built but yesterday.” (Kinney, 1913)

Hōlua are massively constructed ramps, made of stacked stone, that were used as tracks for wooden sleds by the ancient Hawaiians.

The flat slope was covered with grasses to make the narrow fragile sleds able to reach high rates of speed on their downward runs. It starts with a running platform along which the sledder raced before flopping down on the sled at the beginning of the slope down. (NPS)

Hōlua sledding was restricted to the chiefs. A track of rock, layered with earth and made slippery with grass, was made for tobogganing on a narrow sled.

Hōlua sledding was the most dangerous sport practiced in Hawai‘i. The rider lies prone on a sled the width of a ski and slides down a chute made of lava rock.

The sled or papa consisted of two narrow and highly polished runners (three inches apart,) from 7- to 18-feet in length, and from two to three inches deep. The papa hōlua (canoe sled) is a reflection of the double-hulled canoe.

The two runners were fastened together by a number of short pieces of woods varying in length from two to five inches, laid horizontally across the runners.

“Coasting down slopes… Sliding on specially constructed sleds was practiced only in Hawaii and New Zealand,” wrote historian Kenneth Emory. “The Maori sled, however, was quite different from the Hawaiian… One of the Hawaiian sleds, to be seen in [the] Bishop Museum, is the only complete ancient sled in existence.”

“The narrowness and the convergence of the runners toward the front should be noticed. Coasting on these sleds was a pastime confined to the chiefs and chieftesses.”

The Reverend Hiram Bingham provides a descriptive account of this sport: “In the presence of the multitude, the player takes in both hands, his long, very narrow and light built sled, made for this purpose alone, the curved ends of the runners being upward and forward, as he holds it, to begin the race.”

“Standing erect, at first, a little back from the head of the prepared slippery path, he runs a few rods to it, to acquire the greatest momentum, carrying his sled, then pitches himself, head foremost, down the declivity, dexterously throwing his body, full length, upon his vehicle, as on a surf board.”

“The sled, keeping its rail or grassway, courses with velocity down the steep, and passes off into the plain, bearing its proud, but prone and headlong rider, who scarcely values his neck more than the prize at stake.” (Bingham)

The Ahole Hōlua consists of a steeply sloping sliding ramp (about 200-feet long) and runway (75-feet long – high on the eastern or top end of the slide.)

An alignment of water-worn stones and a rise in height of approximately 1-foot marks the beginning of the slide itself. Aside from these water-worn stones, the rest of the slide surface and facing is constructed with aa stones of varying size.

The height of the slide varies to make a smooth steep slope. The first meter or so from the top is fairly flat; the next 100-feet are steeply sloping, at least 1:3. The next 50-feet form a very steep slope 5′:11′. The last 65-feet are again flat and the surfaces change to ‘ili‘ili and coral with only in small amounts of aa strewn about.

On the aa bluff to the north of the hōlua are large numbers of what appear to be the gallery terraces and platforms, walls, stepping stone trails, shelters and walled enclosures.

These are situated in such a manner as to present a good view of the slide and it is not improbable that these features were used for just that function.

The surface of the entire area between these features is covered with the ‘popcorn and peanuts’ of the day – opihi, cowrie, pipipi and conus together with kukui nut shells, animal bone and coconut fragments. (NPS)

This is one of the best preserved hōlua on Hawai‘i Island, arid within the entire state. Interesting and significant here is the presence of a number of platforms constructed of stone that are located alongside the hōlua. These were undoubtedly for the spectators who watched the sport.

A hōlua of this magnitude and elegance indicates the complexity of ancient Hawaiian culture wherein large labor forces could be marshalled to produce a luxury structure dedicated to a recreational use by the higher ranking Hawaiians.

The creation of a proper slide, with its required slope (much like that of a western ski jump), flatness of top, and proper length to ensure both sled speed and a deacceleration area, are indicative of the highly developed skills of the ancient Hawaiians in stonework engineering. (NPS)

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Ahole_Holua-NPS

Ahole_Holua-layout-NPS

Ahole_Holua-elevation-NPS

Ahole_Holua-(brian_powers-hawaiianimages-net)

Holua_Sled-(BishopMuseum)

Detail_of_Holua_Sled-(National Library of Medicine (NLM))

Holua_at_Keauhou_Shopping_Village-(KeauhouResort)

Holua_Slide-(HerbKane)

Riding_A_Holua_Sled-TomPohaku-(National Library of Medicine (NLM))

September 26, 2017 by Peter T Young Leave a Comment

Water Rights

The Hawaiian word for ʻlaw’ or ʻrule’ is kānāwai – it is interesting to note that the literal translation of kānāwai is ʻrelating to water.’ Traditional Hawaiian law initially developed around the management and use of water. (Sproat)

Emma Metcalf Beckley Nakuina, Commissioner of Private Ways and Water Rights, wrote an article “Ancient Hawaiian Water Rights and Some Customs Pertaining to Them” published in 1893 in Thrum’s Hawaiian Annual. The following are portions of that article.

Water rights were primarily for lo‘i (pondfields,) that is, for kalo (taro) culture; potato patches, bananas or sugar cane had no recognized claim on a water right in the rotation.

The cultivation of these, regarded as dry land crops, were invariably during the rainy season except in the Ko‘olau or wet districts. Sugar cane and bananas were almost always planted on lo‘i banks (kuauna) so as to ensure a sufficiency of moisture from the seepage or ooze between them.

Each ‘auwai (water courses) had a proper name and was generally called after either the land, or chief of the land that had furnished the most men, or had mainly been instrumental in the inception, planning and carrying out the work.

All ‘auwai tapping the main stream were done under the authority of the Konohiki of an ahupua‘a, ‘ili or ku. In some instances, the Konohiki of two or three independent lands united in the work of ‘auwai making.

‘Auwai were generally dug from makai (seaward or below) upwards. The different ahupua‘a, ‘ili or ku taking part in the work furnished men according to the number of cultivators on each land.

The dams were always a low loose wall of stones with a few clods here and there, high enough to raise water sufficiently to flow into the ‘auwai. No ‘auwai was permitted to take more water than continued to flow in the stream below the dam.

The general distribution of the quantity of water each independent land was entitled to was in proportion to the quota of hands furnished by each land, but subject to regulations as to distance from source of supply. (There was no limit to the number of laborers any land might furnish.)

The konohiki of the land controlling the most water rights in a given ‘auwai was invariably its luna. He controlled and gave the proportion of water to each mo‘o‘āina (kuleana) or single holding of the common people cultivating on that land.

In ancient times the holders of a water right were required whenever it became their turn in the water rotation or division to go up with the luna wai (superintendent) to the water head or dam to see that it was in proper condition …

… follow down the ‘auwai from there, removing all obstructions which may have fallen in or had been carried down by the water during the night from the kahawai or mountain stream …

… shut off all branch ‘auwai or runlets from the main ‘auwai, except those conducting water to lo‘i entitled to water at the same time, the luna wai – who should be with him during all this time – making the necessary division by means of a clod, stone or both; the water holder continuing to follow the water until it entered his lo‘i and the koele in his charge.

Bordering on the upper portions of most ‘auwai were small lo‘i limited in size and number, generally on a hillside, or on the borders of a gulch.

These lo‘i were generally awarded kulu or drops; that is, they were entitled to continual driblets of water, and no one having a water share may turn the water entirely away from them unless, in times of scarcity, it should be seen that these lo‘i were full to overflowing.

It was a strictly enforced custom, that should any water right holder neglect to go, or furnish a substitute at the periodical ‘auwai cleanings, repairs of dam, etc., water would be withheld from the land of the absentee until such time as he should see fit to resume work for the benefit of what might be termed the shareholders of that ‘auwai .

It sometimes occurred that a land originally entitled only to a small portion of water, but afterwards held or presided over by an industrious, energetic man; whose popularity attracted many to live under him, would be accorded an increased supply in consequence of his promptly furnishing as many or more hands than some land entitled to more water than his.

After this had continued some time, the water-luna would recognized the justice of an increased supply for his land, and would either take a portion of water from any land failing in its due quota of hands, or as was more frequently done, simply adding a day, night, or both to the rotation; letting his land have the added time.

Anyone in the olden times caught breaking a dam built in accordance with the Hawaiian’s idea of justice and equity, would be slain by the share holders of that dam, and his body put in the breach he had made, as a temporary stopgap, thus serving as a warning to others who might be inclined to act similarly.

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Taro patches near Lihue, Kauai-Mitchell-BishopMuseum-ca. 1886.

Lo‘i at Honokōhau, Maui, Huli planted in lines-(BishopMuseum)-1940

Waipio_Valley-Taro_Loi-(DMYoung)

Waikane_Loi_Kalo-BM-1940

Taro Lo’i Agriculture in Mānoa Valley-(UH_Heritage)-ca_1890

Punaluu_Oahu-Loi_Kalo-BM-1924

Loi-aep-his151

Kakaako-Prior to the 20th century Ward Village was primarily fish ponds, salt pans and taro lo‘i-(avisionforward)

Heeia Taro – 1930

Hawaiians_in_the_field,_photograph_by_Frederick_George_Eyton-Walker,_c._1890

Keanae-taro-(WC_Forest & Kim Starr)

Punaluu auwai and loi-KSBE

One of the largest taro growing areas in the Hawaiian Islands is the Lower Hanalei Valley-(WC)

September 23, 2017 by Peter T Young Leave a Comment

Kapu and the New Religion

With the Hawaiian Kapu, if you didn’t follow the rules, you could die.

With Christianity, “For God so loved the world that He gave His only begotten Son, that whoever believes in Him should not perish but have everlasting life.”

Pā‘ao (CA 1300,) from Kahiki (Tahiti,) is reported to have introduced (or significantly expanded) a religious and political code in old Hawai‘i, collectively called the kapu system. This forbid many things and demanded many more, with many infractions being punishable by death.

The kapu system helped the ali‘i and kahuna keep their power over the people. The people believed that breaking the kapu would bring the anger of the gods on themselves and their community. They made every effort to follow the kapu set down by the ali‘i and kahuna.

Anything connected with the gods and their worship was considered sacred, such as idols, heiau and priests. Because chiefs were believed to be descendants of the gods, many kapu related to chiefs and their personal possessions.

The Hawaiian kapu can be grouped into three categories. The first evolved from the basic precepts of the Hawaiian religion and affected all individuals, but were considered by foreign observers to be especially oppressive and burdensome to women.

One of the most fundamental of this type of prohibition forbade men and women from eating together and also prohibited women from eating most of the foods offered as ritual sacrifices to the gods (for example, it was kapu for women to eat pork or bananas.)

“One thing which the priest urged upon the king was to kill off the ungodly people, those who broke tabu and ate with the women, or who cohabited with a woman while she was confined to her infirmary, and the women who intruded themselves into the heiau.”

“Another thing he urged was that the woman who beat tapa on a tabu day, or who went canoeing on a tabu day should be put to death; also that the man who secretly left the service at the temple to go home and lie with his wife should be put to death; that the men and women who did these things, whether from the backwoods – kua‘āina – or near the court should be put to death.”

“That any man, woman, or child, who should revile the high priest, or a keeper of the idols, calling him a filth-eater, or saying that he acted unseemly with women (i ka ai mea kapu) should be put to death, but he might ransom his life by a fine of a fathom-long pig.”

“Again, that if the king by mistake ate of food or meat that was ceremonially common or unclean – noa – the king should be forgiven, but the man whose food or meat it was should be put to death, if the king was made ill. In such a case a human sacrifice was offered to appease the deity, that the king might recover from his illness.”

“Again that certain kinds of fish should be declared tabu to the women as food, also pork, bananas and cocoanuts; that if any large fish – a whale – or a log strapped with iron, should be cast ashore, it was to be offered to the gods, (i. e., it was to be given to the priests for the use of the king).” (Malo)

A second category of kapu were those relating to the inherited rank of the nobility and were binding on all those equal to or below them in status.

This system, a “sanctioned avoidance” behavior conforming to specific rules and prohibitions, prescribed the type of daily interactions among and between the classes, between the people and their gods, and between the people and nature.

By compelling avoidance between persons of extreme rank difference, it reinforced class divisions by protecting mana (spiritual power) from contamination while at the same time preventing the mana from harming others.

These kapu posed enormous difficulties for the high Ali‘i because it restricted their behavior and activities to some degree. Because these kapu prohibited the highest-ranking chiefs from easily walking around during the day, some of them traveled in disguise to protect the people and themselves from the difficulties presented by this custom.

The third category were edicts issued randomly that were binding on all subjects and included such acts as the placing of kapu on certain preferred surfing, fishing or bathing spots for a chief’s exclusive use.

In addition, the chiefs proclaimed certain kapu seasons as conservation measures to regulate land use and safeguard resources.

These had the same force as other kapu, but pertained to the gathering or catching of scarce foodstuffs, such as particular fruits and species of fish; to water usage; and to farming practices. These kapu were designed to protect resources from overuse.

While the social order defined very strict societal rules, exoneration was possible if one could reach a puʻuhonua (place of refuge) and be cleansed, as well as cleared by a kahuna (priest).

The puʻuhonua was especially important in times of war as a refuge for women and children, as well as warriors from the defeated side.

Puʻuhonua were locations which, through the power of the gods and the generosity of the chiefs, afforded unconditional absolution to those who broke taboos, disobeyed rulers, or committed other crimes. (Schoenfelder)

Ethno-historical literature, and available physical, cultural, and locational data, note at least 57-sites across the Islands. Puʻuhonua tended to occur in areas of high population and/or in areas frequented by chiefs. (Schoenfelder)

These range from enclosed compounds such as Hōnaunau, to platforms (Halulu on Lānaʻi), to fortified mountain-tops (Kawela on Molokaʻi), to unmodified natural features (Kūkaniloko on Oʻahu) and to entire inhabited land sections, as at Lāhainā on Maui. (Schoenfelder)

This intricate system that supported Hawai‘i’s social and political structure directed every activity of Hawaiian life, from birth through death, until its overthrow by King Kamehameha II (Liholiho).

Shortly after the death of Kamehameha I in 1819, King Kamehameha II (Liholiho) declared an end to the kapu system. In a dramatic and highly symbolic event, Kamehameha II ate and drank with women, thereby breaking the important eating kapu.

This changed the course of the social, political and religious structure and ended the kapu system, effectively weakened belief in the power of the gods and the inevitability of divine punishment for those who opposed them.

Some have suggested it was the missionaries that ended the kapu that disrupted the social/political system in the Islands; that is not true – the missionaries had not even arrived in the Islands, yet. On October 23, 1819, the Pioneer Company of missionaries from the northeast US, set sail on the Thaddeus for the Islands.

The Mission Prudential Committee in giving instructions to the pioneers of 1819 said: “Your mission is a mission of mercy, and your work is to be wholly a labor of love. …”

“Your views are not to be limited to a low, narrow scale, but you are to open your hearts wide, and set your marks high. You are to aim at nothing short of covering these islands with fruitful fields, and pleasant dwellings and schools and churches, and of Christian civilization.” (The Friend)

Among their teaching included, “Then Jesus declared, ‘I am the bread of life. Whoever comes to me will never go hungry, and whoever believes in me will never be thirsty.’” (John 6:35)

“For God so loved the world that He gave His only begotten Son, that whoever believes in Him should not perish but have everlasting life.” (John 6:16)

Keōpūolani is said to have been the first convert of the missionaries in the Islands, receiving baptism from Rev. William Ellis in Lāhainā on September 16, 1823. Keōpūolani was spoken of “with admiration on account of her amiable temper and mild behavior”. (William Richards) She was ill and died shortly after her baptism.

Within five years of the initial arrival of the missionaries, a dozen chiefs had sought Christian baptism and church membership, including the king’s regent Kaʻahumanu. The Hawaiian people followed their native leaders, accepting the missionaries as their new priestly class. (Schulz)

On December 24, 1825, Kaʻahumanu, six other Chiefs and one makaʻāinana (commoner) were baptized and received Holy Communion at Kawaiahaʻo Church. This was the beginning of expanded admission into the Church.

Kamakau noted of her baptism, “Kaʻahumanu was the first fruit of the Kawaiahaʻo church … for she was the first to accept the word of God, and she was the one who led her chiefly relations as the first disciples of God’s church.”

“Her influence and authority had long been paramount and undisputed with the natives, and was now discreetly used for the benefit of the nation.”

“She visited the whole length and breadth of the Islands, to recommend to her people, attention to schools, and to the doctrines and duties of the word of God, and exerted all her influence to suppress vice, and restrain the evils which threatened the ruin of her nation.” (Lucy Thurston)

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Heiau_at_Waimea_by_John_Webber-1778-79

September 19, 2017 by Peter T Young Leave a Comment

Twins – Neighbors

For their services, Kamehameha appointed Keʻeaumoku, Keaweaheulu, Kameʻeiamoku and Kamanawa (the four Kona Uncles) to be his secret advisors (hoa kuka malu) and counselors (hoaʻahaʻolelo) in ruling the islands. They alone were consulted about what would be for the good or the ill of the country. (Kamakau)

The latter two of the four (Kameʻeiamoku and Kamanawa) were twins, often referred to as the Royal Twins; they are depicted on the Hawaiian Coat of Arms.

The men are “clad in the ancient feather cloak and helmet of the Islands, the one bearing a kahili (Kame‘eiamoku on the right) and the other a spear (Kamanawa on the left) as in the processions of former times.”

Their father was Chief Keawepoepoe and mother was Kanoena (Keawepoepoe’s sister.) Because their parents were high ranking siblings, Kameʻeiamoku and Kamanawa were known as nīʻaupiʻo, the offspring of a royal brother and sister.

However, Kamakau also notes that the twin chiefs as the “children of Kekaulike,” one of the ruling chiefs of Maui. (The term ‘children’ may refers to a generational difference between Kekaulike and the twin chiefs, rather than meaning that they were his direct offspring.) (Kelly)

It was the custom in Hawai‘i during the 18th and 19th centuries to have young chiefs be hanai (adopted) by and grow up under the protection of an important relative, sometimes even one who lived on another island.

Kamanawa and Kame‘eiamoku were sent to live with their uncle during their childhood years. This uncle was Kalani‘ōpu‘u, the high chief of the Island of Hawai‘i in 1779, when Captain Cook arrived at Kealakekua Bay in Kona, Hawai‘i.

Kamehameha was also raised in the court of Kalani‘ōpu‘u, along with two of the sons of Kalani‘ōpu‘u, Kīwala‘ō and Keōua.

The twins were later neighbors.

Kamanawa is reported to have been living at Kiholo at the time of the death of Kalani‘ōpu‘u in 1782, and Kame‘eiamoku at Ka‘upulehu (originally Ka‘ulu-pulehu, the roasted breadfruit), the adjacent ahupua‘a to the south of Pu‘uwa‘awa‘a. (Kelly)

When Kalani‘ōpu‘u died, his son, Kiwala‘ō was declared his heir. Kamanawa and Kame‘eiamoku expressed their opposition to Kiwala‘ō and to his plan to bring the district of Kona under the domination of the Puna and Ka‘u chiefs.

The Kona-Kohala coast had more favorable harbors for the visits of western-sailing ships than the windward (Hilo-Puna-Ka‘u) coast. Because of this, the Kona-Kohala chiefs had greater access to trade items from the foreign ships than the windward chiefs.

Keʻeaumoku “was the most noted of all the warriors of Kamehameha I, and by his personal prowess placed that eminent man on the throne of Hawaii …”

“… first by slaying with his own hand his great antagonist Kiwalaʻo, and subsequently Keōua, the only remaining enemy on that island.” (Jarves; The Friend)

Ke‘eaumoku was the father of Ka‘ahumanu, who became a wife of Kamehameha and was a very powerful woman in her own right. Her mother was Nāmāhāna, who was the daughter of Kekaulike, high chief of Maui. (Kamakau)

Keaweaheulu was at Kaʻawaloa at the time of Cook’s death; he assisted Kamehameha in his battles with Kiwalaʻō and Keōua; he was at Molokai when Kalola died and her granddaughter, Keōpūolani (Queen mother to Liholiho and Kauikeaouli,) was given to Kamehameha. Keaweaheulu was maternal great-grandfather of King Kalākaua and Queen Liliʻuokalani.

The lives of the twin chiefs of Kekaha, Kamanawa of Kiholo, and Kame‘eiamoku of Ka‘upulehu, are closely bound with the history of the Hawaiian Islands during the period of the rise of Kamehameha I, as the ali‘i nui (high chief) of the Islands.

Presumably, whoever had control over the leeward ports of the Island of Hawai‘i would play an important part in the history of the Islands during this early historical period.

As it was, that role fell to Kamehameha, Kamanawa, Kame‘eiamoku, Ke‘eaumoku, and a few others who were anxious to further their own interests. (Kelly) (Artwork by Brook Parker.)

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Kameeiamoku & Kamanawa-BrookParker

September 12, 2017 by Peter T Young Leave a Comment

Ali‘i Letters – Kaʻahumanu to Evarts (1831)

Hawaiian Mission Houses Historic Site and Archives (Mission Houses) collaborated with Awaiaulu Foundation to digitize, transcribe, translate and annotate over 200-letters written by 33-Chiefs.

The letters, written between 1823 and 1887, are assembled from three different collections: the ABCFM Collection held by Harvard’s Houghton Library, the HEA Collection of the Hawaii Conference-United Church of Christ and the Hawaiian Mission Children’s Society.

These letters provide insight into what the Ali‘i (Chiefs) were doing and thinking at the time, as well as demonstrate the close working relationship and collaboration between the aliʻi and the missionaries.

In this letter, Elisabeth Kaʻahumanu writes to Mr. Jeremiah Evarts regarding the success of the mission in Hawaiʻi. She includes her religious sentiments to the brethren of the ABCFM.

Jeremiah F. Evarts was an early leader of the American Board of Commissioners of Foreign Missions (ABCFM). He was a reformer who advocated for the rights of Native Americans and wrote under the pseudonym William Penn.

Kaʻahumanu, favorite wife of Kamehameha I, served as the Kuhina Nui, or regent at the time of this letter. She became a staunch advocate for literacy and Christianity for all her people.

“Oahu September 11, 1831”

“Regards to you, Mr. Evarts, missionary superintendent and my first brother in Christ Jesus,”

“Here is my message to you along with my joy.”

“Here I live by the voice of salvation of Jesus Christ who resurrected me from death. I was dwelling in the core of death. I was adorned and bedecked by the glory of death and its symbols.”

“When I heard the voice of Jesus sounding in my ears, it was a chill in my heart, speaking as follows, [“]Come unto to me all of you who are weary and heavy-laden and I shall give you rest.[”]”

“And his voice then said again, [“]He who thirsts, let him come and drink the waters of salvation.[”] So, I rose to come and lie under the shelter of his feet, with great trepidation.”

“Here I am bearing his yoke, thinking to myself that I am unable to move his yoke, he being the one who enables me with his assistance night and day; there I forever dwell in his glory and his love for me.”

“There is my desire and my affection, with the intention of my heart and my spirit to submit to Jesus. There my mouth and my tongue shall forever give thanks for the life I live until I join in his everlasting glory. That is my humble message to you.”

“Here is this other message of mine to you. I am grateful for the grace of our Lord Jesus Christ for his assistance in sending new teachers for us.”

“They have arrived and we have beheld their eyes and faces. We met in the presence of our Lord and in our own presence with gratitude to our Lord for protecting them on the ocean until they arrived here in Hawaii.”

“We abide here, teaching the native language of Hawaii so they will understand. Then, we sow the gardens with fruitful seeds for eternal salvation.”

“At that point, my elder brethren, them [the teachers] and my native brothers and sisters together will take up the will of our Lord in this archipelago, praying to him to assist so that the bumpy places be smoothed by him through his intentions for these islands from Hawaii to Kauai.”

“But my adopted child and I carried the word of our Lord from Hawaii to Kauai with love in our hearts for God, traveling to speak of his love, his word, and his laws and to tell people that they should abide by them.”

“That is what we, my adopted child and I, speak of. It is not according to our will, but according to the will of the Lord that we take this up.”

“That is my humble message to you.”

“Here is another remaining message that I say to you. Do express my regard to the brethren in Christ and my beloved sisters in Christ Jesus. Here are my regards to you all.”

“Do pray often to God for all the lands of the unenlightened, for all those remaining in enlightened lands, and for us as well and we shall do the same with the brethren here.”

“Pray often to God for the unenlightened lands, and for the remainder of those in enlightened lands, and for you all as well.”

“Thus we beseech our Lord so all peoples cooperate through him that his kingdom be unified to the bounds of the earth, and so all people unite behind him to praise his everlasting name.”

“That is my message of affection to you all. Deep regards to you.”

“Though we may not meet in person in this world, it is our hope that if we do meet in this world, our souls will also meet in the glory of the kingdom of our Lord of salvation, Jesus Christ.”

“That is the end of the message to you.”

“By Elisabeth Kaahumanu”

Click HERE to link to the original letter, its transcription, translation and annotation.

On October 23, 1819, the Pioneer Company of American Protestant missionaries from the northeast US, led by Hiram Bingham, set sail on the Thaddeus for the Sandwich Islands (now known as Hawai‘i.) They arrived in the Islands and anchored at Kailua-Kona on April 4, 1820.

Over the course of a little over 40-years (1820-1863 – the “Missionary Period”,) about 180-men and women in twelve Companies served in Hawaiʻi to carry out the mission of the American Board of Commissioners for Foreign Missions (ABCFM) in the Hawaiian Islands.

One of the earliest efforts of the missionaries, who arrived in 1820, was the identification and selection of important communities (generally near ports and aliʻi residences) as “stations” for the regional church and school centers across the Hawaiian Islands.

Hawaiian Mission Houses’ Strategic Plan themes note that the collaboration between Native Hawaiians and American Protestant missionaries resulted in the
• The introduction of Christianity;
• The development of a written Hawaiian language and establishment of schools that resulted in widespread literacy;
• The promulgation of the concept of constitutional government;
• The combination of Hawaiian with Western medicine, and
• The evolution of a new and distinctive musical tradition (with harmony and choral singing).

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