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August 18, 2018 by Peter T Young Leave a Comment

Lana-nu‘u-mamao

Immediately after Captain Cook first landed at Waimea Kauai in January 1778, he and others were taken inland for an ‘excursion of the country’. They had seen ‘pyramids’ or ‘obelisks’ as they passed in their ships. What follows are descriptions of what they saw, as noted in Cook’s Journal.

“As we ranged down the coast from the east, in the ships, we had observed at every village one or more elevated white objects, like pyramids or rather obelisks; and one of these, which I guessed to be at least fifty feet high was very conspicuous from the ship’s anchoring station, and seemed to be at no great distance up this valley.”

“To have a nearer inspection of it, was the principal object of my walk. Our guide perfectly understood that we wished to be conducted to it. But it happened to be so placed that we could not get at it, being separated from us by the pool of water.”

“However, there being another of the same kind within our reach, about half a mile off, upon our side of the valley, we set out to visit that.”

“The moment we got to it, we saw that it stood in a burying ground, or morai (heiau;) the resemblance of which, in many respects, to those we were so well acquainted with at other islands in this ocean … could not but strike us …”

“On each side of the pyramid were long pieces of wickerwork, called hereanee, in the same ruinous condition; with two slender poles, inclining to each other, at one corner, where some plantains were laid upon a board, fixed at the height of five or six feet. This they called herairemy ; and informed us that the fruit was an offering to their god”.

“The island seemed to abound with such places of sacrifice as this which we were now visiting, and which appeared to be one of the most inconsiderable of them; being far less conspicuous than several others which we had seen as we sailed along the coast, and particularly than that on the opposite side of the water in this valley …”

“… the white kenananoo, or pyramid, of which we were now almost sure, derived its colour only from pieces of the consecrated cloth laid over it.”

The ‘pyramids’ or ‘obelisks’ Cook saw at the heiau were Lana-nu‘u-mamao (‘Anu‘u), “a tower-like frame, made of strong timbers, covered with aho, ie poles, but not thatched. It had three floors, or kahuas, of which the lowest was named lana, the next nu‘u, and the highest mamao.”

“The lowest, the lana, was used for the bestowal of offerings. The second, nu‘u, was more sacred; the high priest and his attendants sometimes stood there while conducting religious services.”

“The third, the mamao, was the most sacred place of all. Only the high priest and king were allowed to come to this platform.”

“When worship was being conducted at the lana-nu‘u-mamao all the people prostrated themselves. It seems probable that the lana-nu‘u-mamao was used as a sort of oracle.” (Malo)

“It was usually more than twenty feet tall and contained three platforms. The lowest symbolized the earth, the abode of humans, and was where offerings were placed; the middle was viewed as the space of birds and clouds and was where the high priest and his attendants conducted services …”

“… the highest platform symbolized the heavens — dwelling place of the gods — and could only be ascended by the high priest and the king. This was where the high priest received inspiration and acted as intermediary with the gods.”

“The entire structure was covered with bleached kapa. It was a highly visible component of the temple platform area and contained within a refuse or bone pit where decayed offerings and bones of victims were cast (lua pa‘u).” (NPS)

“The building of this heiau was a great and arduous undertaking. Priests were everywhere about; they selected the site, determined the orientation, the dimensions, and the arrangement of the structure, and at every stage performed the ritualistic ceremonies without which the work could not be acceptable to the gods.” (Kuykendall)
“The usual plan of the luakini dictated that if the front faced the west or east, the oracle tower stood on the north end of the structure.”

“If the heiau fronted on the north or south, the tower would be on the east side, turned toward the west or south. The audience sat in the southern or western part of the structure.” (NPS)

“(F)unctionally specialized heiaus had well identifiable features; luakini temples could not be built just anywhere, but only upon sites formerly built on by the people of old. If so, then the larger heiau should be architecturally stratified, with the platforms and terraces of older heiau buried under later additions and elaborations.”

“An opposite opinion is represented by Stokes: the different types of foundations … seem to have had no connection with the classes of worship to which the heiau belonged.”

“An intermediate solution is proposed by Valeri: the Hawaiians had two heiau classification systems, which have not been clearly distinguished. The first was based on function – fertility, production, or war. The second was based on architectural typology. The functional classification could be combined with the architectural to produce a wide array of subtypes.” (Chase-Dunn & Ermolaeva)

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A Morai in Atooi-Webber-Rumsey
A Morai in Atooi-Webber-Rumsey
Ahuena-Anuu Oracle Tower
Ahuena-Anuu Oracle Tower
Ahuena_heiau_1816
Ahuena_heiau_1816
Ahuena-Oracle Tower
Ahuena-Oracle Tower
Heiau-oracle tower
Heiau-oracle tower
Puu o Mahuka
Puu o Mahuka
Reconstruction-illustration-Papaenaena_Heiau-(NPS)
Reconstruction-illustration-Papaenaena_Heiau-(NPS)
Arago_–_Iles_Sandwich_-_Vue_du_Morai_du_Roi_a_Kayakakoua-1819
Arago_–_Iles_Sandwich_-_Vue_du_Morai_du_Roi_a_Kayakakoua-1819
Piiolanihale-oracle tower
Piiolanihale-oracle tower
Kane Aki Heiau
Kane Aki Heiau

Filed Under: Hawaiian Traditions Tagged With: Nuu, Mamao, Hawaii, Heiau, Anuu, Lana

August 12, 2018 by Peter T Young Leave a Comment

Wai‘ahukini

Cooks’ journal entry for January 5, 1779; reported his ship had rounded the south point of the island …

“On this point stands apritty large village, the inhabitants of which thronged off to the Ship with hogs and women … As we had now got a quantity of salt I purchased no hogs but what were fit, for salting, refuseing all that were under size …”

“… in general they being no other at first, but when they found we took none but the large ones, several went a shore and returned with some, however we could seldom get one about 50 or 60 Ib weight.”

“As to fruit and roots we did not want and it was well we did not for it was very little of either they brought with them, indeed the Country did not seem capable of producing many of either having been destroyed by a Volcano.” (Cook’s Journal)

“Some of the canoes that greeted Cook’s ship may have come not only from the South Point village, but also from those at Wai‘ahukini and Ka‘iliki‘i to the west and Keana and Kaalualu to the east.” (Kelly)

Wai‘ahukini was the last convenient landing place for canoes bringing people from the west side of Hawaii bound for the windward side, but proceeding on foot. (Emory, Bonk & Sinoto) This was a Royal Center used by Keōua and Kamehameha.

Royal Centers were selected for their abundance of resources and recreation opportunities, with good surfing and canoe-landing sites being favored.

The Hawaiian court was mobile within the districts the aliʻi controlled. A Chief’s attendants might consist of as many as 700 to 1000-followers, made of kahuna and political advisors; servants which included craftsmen, guards, stewards; relatives and others. (NPS)

Aliʻi often moved between several residences throughout the year. There was no regular schedule for movement between Royal Centers. In part, periodic moves served to ensure that district chiefs did not remain isolated, or unsupervised long enough to gather support for a revolt. (NPS)

“Wherever a ruling ali‘i had his establishment there was a large aggregation of domiciles. On Hawai‘i, the high chief of Kona lived at Kailua, in Ka‘ū he lived at Waiohinu or at Waio‘Ahukini below South Point (a favored fishing place). (Handy)

“In the lee of the great cliff (which was caused by a geologic fault) named Pali-o-Mamalu (Cliff-of-Protection) is Wai-o-‘Ahu-kini. The trade winds pass a thousand or more feet above it, which gives it a scorching desert climate in the daytime; but when the sun goes down it cools rapidly and the nights are cool.”

“Southerly cyclonic storms sweep in over the low shore, inundating the whole area. That is why there is, and has been, no permanent habitation here.”

“(T)he population settled in the two western ahupua‘a of Ka‘ū. Wai-o-‘Ahu-kini (Water of Ahukini) close by, with its spring, pond, and canoe haven, and the best fishing ground in all Hawaii …”

“… was awarded in the ancient land allotment to Pakini, then one of the most verdant of the plains areas of cultivation. “Doubtless it was Pakini’s numerous population, which gave its ali‘i power, that was responsible for this award.” (Handy)

“From the cliff above Wai-o-‘Ahu-kini and from the trail going down can be seen a stagnant pool close to the shore; this was evidently the ‘water’ of ‘Ahu-kini.”

“A broken lava formation offshore, which is called Ka-wa‘a-Iua (The-double-canoe) or Wa‘a-ka‘uhi (Canoe-resting-upon-shelter) is in line with the two heaps of stones. This formation was said to be the remains of a great double canoe which came from Kahiki.”

“West of this is a small outcropping rock, shaped like a turtle, which is called Honu-nui (Big-sea turtle). About a hundred yards west of the talus at the base of the cliff is a pond (loko) just below a swampy place with stagnant water in it; this shows evidence of having been encased with stone.”

“Formerly this loko was larger. It may have been a fishpond. Its name was Wai-Kalehune or Pelehune. A rough stone wall runs across the middle of this. There are various walls nearby, and an enclosure about 30 feet square whose walls are built of lava and coral chunks; inside the enclosure is a shallow pit surrounded by stones.”

“Mrs. Kelly concluded that it was in the pond described above that Keōua, high chief of Ka‘ū, and, after his death, Kamehameha, are said to have kept their canoes.” (Handy & Pukui) up

“One of the earliest foreigners to visit Ka‘ū was Archibald Menzies, the surgeon and naturalist on Vancouver’s voyage. Menzies had been in the Hawaiian Islands previously as surgeon on the furtrader Prince of Wales under Captain Colnett in the years 1787 and 1788, but he had not kept a journal of that visit.”

“Vancouver’s ships were in the Islands three times – 1792, 1793, and 1794. “On the 1794 trip Menzies was able to get to the top of Hualalai and of Mauna Loa. His successful ascent of Mauna Loa was on a trail that leads up from Kapāpala.”

“The approach to this trail from Kona. where Vancouver’s ships were anchored. Was by canoe to Ka‘iliki‘i, or Wai‘ahukini in Pi‘ikini, Kalli, and then overland on foot to Kapapala.”

“The canoe trip from Kona ended, Menzies wrote, at a ‘small village called Pakini (Pakini Village was probably Wai‘ahukini in Pikini Nui) near the south point of the island.’”

“He said the village belonged to Nāmāhāna, Ke‘eaumoku’s wife, and that he stayed in a house belonging to Keaweaheulu.”

“The overland journey began on February 10, 1794, as the party headed inland where they passed close by a ‘fine plantation belonging to Kamehameha, called Kahuku.’”

“Their inland journey turned northeastward about 5 or 6 miles from the shore. The path was narrow, winding, and in some places very rugged, seldom allowing passage of ‘more than one person at a time …. Towards evening we descended into a fine fertile valley and put up for the night at a village called Ki‘oloku, on a rich plantation belonging to Keaweaheulu’”. (Kelly)

“Rev. William Ellis, the second on-site visitor to leave a record, wrote at considerable length about the Ka‘ū portion of his tour around Hawaii. He was impressed, as were the historians of Cook’ s voyage, by the barrenness of the part of Ka‘ū that adjoins the Kona district.”

“Just before daybreak on July 27, 1823, Ellis arrived by canoe at the small fishing village and canoe landing of Ka‘iliki‘i. It is located about a mile west of Wai‘ahukini, where Menzies landed. Ellis wrote that they were ‘obliged to keep off the shore until day-light enabled them to steer between the rocks to the landing place’” (Kelly)

“At 10 am Mr. Thurston preached to the people of Tairitii (Ka‘iliki‘i), and the neighbouring village of Patini, all of whom are fishermen. They behaved with propriety, and appeared interested. We had sent out Makoa, our guide, soon after our arrival, to inform the people, that there would be a religious meeting, and invite their attendance.”

“He had gone much farther than we expected he would; and, just as Mr. Thurston had finished his sermon, he returned, followed by a considerable company from an inland settlement … They seemed disappointed at finding the service over.”

“As they said they could not wait till the evening, they and the people of the village assembled in a large canoehouse, and Mr Thurston preached again … After they had spent an hour or two in conversation with us, they returned, …. In the afternoon, Mr Thurston preached a third time. Between 70 and 80 were present … (Ellis)

“Undoubtedly the ‘neighbouring village of Patini’ was the village of Pakini mentioned by Menzies by Menzies and now called Wai‘ahukini.” (Kelly)

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Waioahukini-Discovery Harbor
Waioahukini-Discovery Harbor
Waiahukini Village Runis-Map-Kelly
Waiahukini Village Runis-Map-Kelly

Filed Under: Hawaiian Traditions, Place Names Tagged With: Hawaii, Royal Center, Kau, Waiahukini

August 11, 2018 by Peter T Young Leave a Comment

‘Door to the Heart of the People’

“One turns from the study of old genealogies, myths, and traditions of the Hawaiians with a hungry despair at finding in them means so small for picturing the people themselves, their human interests and passions …”

“… but when it comes to the hula and the whole train of feelings and sentiments that made their entrances and exits in the halau (the hall of the hula) one perceives that in this he has found the door to the heart of the people.”

“So intimate and of so simple confidence are the revelations the people make of themselves in their songs and prattlings that when one undertakes to report what he has heard and to translate into the terms of modern speech what he has received in confidence, as it were, he almost blushes, as if he had been guilty of spying on Adam and Eve in their nuptial bower.”

“Alas, if one could but muffle his speech with the unconscious lisp of infancy, or veil and tone his picture to correspond to the perspective of antiquity, he might feel at least that, like Watteau, he had dealt worthily, if not truly, with that ideal age which we ever think of as the world’s garden period.”

“For an account of the first hula we may look to the story of Pele. On one occasion that goddess begged her sisters to dance and sing before her, but they all excused themselves, saying they did not know the art.”

“At that moment in came little Hiiaka, the youngest and the favorite. Unknown to her sisters, the little maiden had practised the dance under the tuition of her friend, the beautiful but ill-fated Hopoe.”

“When banteringly invited to dance, to the surprise of all, Hiiaka modestly complied. The wave-beaten sand-beach was her floor, the open air her hall; Feet and hands and swaying form kept time to her improvisation:”

“Look, Puna is a dance in the wind;
The palm groves of Kea-au shaken.
Haena and the woman Hopoe dance and sing
On the beach Nana-huki,
A dance of purest delight,
Down by the sea Nana-huki.”

“The most telling record of a people’s intimate life is the record which it unconsciously makes in its songs. This record which the Hawaiian people have left of themselves is full and specific.”

“When, therefore, we ask what emotions stirred the heart of the old-time Hawaiian as he approached the great themes of life and death, of ambition and jealousy, of sexual passion, of romantic love, of conjugal love, and parental love …”

“… what his attitude toward nature and the dread forces of earthquake and storm, and the mysteries of spirit and the hereafter, we shall find our answer in the songs and prayers and recitations of the hula.”

“The hula, it is true, has been unfortunate in the mode and manner of its introduction to us moderns.”

“An institution of divine, that is, religious, origin, the hula in modern times has wandered so far and fallen so low that foreign and critical esteem has come to associate it with the riotous and passionate ebullitions of Polynesian kings and the amorous posturing of their voluptuaries.”

“We must make a just distinction, however, between the gestures and bodily contortions presented by the men and women, the actors in the hula, and their uttered words. ‘The voice is Jacob’s voice, but the hands are the hands of Esau.’”

“In truth, the actors in the hula no longer suit the action to the word.”

“The utterance harks back to the golden age; the gesture is trumped up by the passion of the hour, or dictated by the master of the hula, to whom the real meaning of the old bards is ofttimes a sealed casket.”

“Whatever indelicacy attaches in modern times to some of the gestures and contortions of the hula dancers, the old-time hula songs in large measure were untainted with grossness.”

“If there ever were a Polynesian Arcadia, and if it were possible for true reports of the doings and sayings of the Polynesians to reach us from that happy land …”

“… reports of their joys and sorrows, their love-makings and their jealousies, their family spats and reconciliations, their worship of beauty and of the gods and goddesses who walked in the garden of beauty …”

“… we may say, I think, that such a report would be in substantial agreement with the report that is here offered; but, if one’s virtue will not endure the love-making of Arcadia, let him banish the myth from his imagination and hue to a convent or a nunnery.” (All here is from Nathaniel Bright Emerson, a son of missionaries.)

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Danse_des_femmes_dans_les_iles_Sandwich._Dess._et_lith._par_Choris._Lith._de_Langlume-1816
Danse_des_femmes_dans_les_iles_Sandwich._Dess._et_lith._par_Choris._Lith._de_Langlume-1816
Danse_des_hommes_dans_les_iles_Sandwich._Lith.e_par_Franquelin_d'apres_Choris._Lith._de_Langlume_i_de_l'Abbaye._Paris,_1822
Danse_des_hommes_dans_les_iles_Sandwich._Lith.e_par_Franquelin_d’apres_Choris._Lith._de_Langlume_i_de_l’Abbaye._Paris,_1822
Jean_Augustin_Franquelin_(after_Louis_Choris),_Danse_des_femmes_dans_les_iles_Sandwich_(1822)
Jean_Augustin_Franquelin_(after_Louis_Choris),_Danse_des_femmes_dans_les_iles_Sandwich_(1822)

Filed Under: Missionaries / Churches / Religious Buildings, Hawaiian Traditions Tagged With: Hawaii, Hula, Nathaniel Emerson, Nathaniel Bright Emerson

August 9, 2018 by Peter T Young Leave a Comment

Ghosts of the Hilo Hills

One of these legends about Hina and her famous son Maui and her less widely known relates to three small hills back of Hilo toward the mountain, Halai, Opeapea and Puu Honu (not far from the Wailuku river and Rainbow Falls).

Here in a cave under the Rainbow Falls was the home of Hina, the mother of Maui. Other parts of the Pacific sometimes make Hina Maui’s wife, and sometimes a goddess from whom he descended.

Hina had several daughters, four of whose names are given: Hina Ke Ahi, Hina Ke Kai, Hina Mahuia, and Hina Kuluua. Each name marked the peculiar “mana” or divine gift which Hina, the mother, had bestowed upon her daughters.

Hina Ke Ahi meant the Hina who had control of fire. This name is sometimes given to Hina the mother. Hina Ke Kai was the daughter who had power over the sea. She was said to have been in a canoe with her brother Maui when he fished up Cocoanut Island, his line breaking before he could pull it up to the mainland and make it fast.

Hina Kuluua was the mistress over the forces of rain. The winds and the storms were supposed to obey her will. Hina Mahuia is peculiarly a name connected with the legends of the other island groups of the Pacific.

The legend of the Hilo hills pertains especially to Hina Ke Ahi and Hina Kuluua. Hina the mother gave the hill Halai to Hina Ke Ahi and the hill Puu Honu to Hina Kuluua for their families and dependents.

The hills were of rich soil and there was much rain. Therefore, for a long time, the two daughters had plenty of food for themselves and their people, but at last the days were like fire and the sky had no rain in it.

The taro planted on the hillsides died. The bananas and sugar cane and sweet potatoes withered and the fruit on the trees was blasted. The people were faint because of hunger, and the shadow of death was over the land. Hina Ke Ahi pitied her suffering friends and determined to provide food for them.

Slowly her people labored at her command. They went to the banks of the river course, which was only the bed of an ancient lava stream, over which no water was flowing; the famished laborers toiled, gathering and carrying back whatever wood they could find, then up the mountain side to the great koa and ohia forests, gathering their burdens of fuel according to the wishes of their chiefess.

Their sorcerers planted charms along the way and uttered incantations to ward off the danger of failure. The priests offered sacrifices and prayers for the safe and successful return of the burden-bearers. After many days the great quantity of wood desired by the goddess was piled up by the side of the Halai Hill.

Then came the days of digging out the hill and making a great imu or cooking oven and preparing it with stones and wood. Large quantities of wood were thrown into the place. Stones best fitted for retaining heat were gathered and the fires kindled.

When the stones were hot, Hina Ke Ahi directed the people to arrange the imu in its proper order for cooking the materials for a great feast. A place was made for sweet potatoes, another for taro, another for pigs and another for dogs. All the form of preparing the food for cooking was passed through, but no real food was laid on the stones.

Then Hina told them to make a place in the imu for a human sacrifice. Human sacrifices were frequently offered by the Hawaiians even after the days of the coming of Captain Cook. A dead body was supposed to be acceptable to the gods when a chief’s house was built, when a chief’s new canoe was to be made or when temple walls were to be erected or victories celebrated

Therefore it was in quiet despair that the workmen obeyed Hina Ke Ahi and prepared the place for sacrifice. It might mean their own holocaust as an offering to the gods.

At last Hina Ke Ahi bade the laborers cease their work and stand by the side of the oven ready to cover it with the dirt which had been thrown out and piled up by the side. The people stood by, not knowing upon whom, the blow might fall.

But Hina Ke Ahi was “Hina the kind,” and although she stood before them robed in royal majesty and power, still her face was full of pity and love. Her voice melted the hearts of her retainers as she bade them carefully follow her directions.

“O my people. Where are you? Will you obey and do as I command? This imu is my imu. I shall lie down on its bed of burning stones. I shall sleep under its cover. But deeply cover ine or I may perish. Quickly throw the dirt over in), body. Fear not the fire. Watch for three days. A woman will stand by the imu. Obey her will.”

Hina Ke Ahi was very beautiful, and her eyes flashed light like fire as she stepped into the great pit and lay down on the burning stones. A great smoke arose and gathered over the imu. The men toiled rapidly, placing the imu mats over their chiefess and throwing the dirt back into the oven until it was all thoroughly covered and the smoke was quenched.

Then they waited for the strange, mysterious thing which must follow the sacrifice of this divine chiefess.

Halai hill trembled and earthquakes shook the land round about. The great heat of the fire in the imu withered the little life which was still left from the famine.

Meanwhile Hina Ke Ahi was carrying out her plan for securing aid for her people. She could not be injured by the heat for she was a goddess of fire. The waves of heat raged around her as she sank down through the stones of the imu into the underground paths which belonged to the spirit world.

The legend says that Hina made her appearance in the form of a gushing stream of water which would always supply the want of her adherents.

The second day passed. Hina was still journeying underground, but this time she came to the surface as a pool named Moe Waa (canoe sleep) much nearer the sea. The third day came and Hina caused a great spring of sweet water to burst forth from the sea shore in the very path of the ocean surf. This received the name Auauwai.

Here Hina washed away all traces of her journey through the depths. This was the last of the series of earthquakes and the appearance of new water springs. The people waited, feeling that some more wonderful event must follow the remarkable experiences of the three days.

Soon a woman stood by the imu, who commanded the laborers to dig away the dirt and remove the mats. When this was done, the hungry people found a very great abundance of food, enough to supply their want until the food plants should have time to ripen and the days of the famine should be over.

The joy of the people was great when they knew that their chiefess had escaped death and would still dwell among them in comfort. Many were the songs sung and stories told about the great famine and the success of the goddess of fire.

The second sister, Hina Kuluua, the goddess of rain, was always very jealous of her beautiful sister Hina Ke Ahi, and many times sent rain to put out fires which her sister tried to kindle. Hina Ke Ahi could not stand the rain and so fled with her people to a home by the seaside.

Hina Kuluua (or Hina Kuliua) could control rain and storms, but for some reason failed to provide a food supply for her people, and the famine wrought havoc among them.

She thought of the stories told and songs sung about her sister and wished for the same honor for herself. She commanded her people to make a great imu for her in the hill Pun Honu.

She knew that a strange power belonged to her and yet, blinded by jealousy, forgot that rain and fire could not work together. She planned to furnish a great supply of food for her people in the same way in which her sister had worked.

The oven was dug. Stones and wood were collected and the same ghostly array of potatoes, taro, pig and dog prepared as had been done before by her sister.

The kahunas or priests knew that Hina Kuluua was going out of her province in trying to do as her sister had done, but there was no use in attempting to change her plans. jealousy is self-willed and obstinate and no amount of reasoning from her dependents could have any influence over her.

The ordinary incantations were observed, and Hina Kulutia gave the same directions as those her sister had given. The imu was to be well heated. The make-believe food was to be put in and a place left for her body. It was the goddess of rain making ready to lie down on a bed prepared for the goddess of fire.

When all was ready, she lay down on the heated stones and the oven mats were thrown over her and the ghostly provisions. Then the covering of dirt was thrown back upon the mats and heated stones, filling the pit which had been dug. The goddess of rain was left to prepare a feast for her people as the goddess of fire had done for her followers.

Some of the legends have introduced the demi-god Maui into this story. The natives say that Maui came to “burn” or “cook the rain” and that he made the oven very hot, but that the goddess of rain escaped and hung over the hill in the form of a cloud.

At least this is what the people saw-not a cloud of smoke over the imu, but a rain cloud. They waited and watched for such evidences of underground labor as attended the passage of Hina Ke Ahi through the earth from the hill to the sea, but the only strange appearance was the dark rain cloud.

They waited three days and looked for their chiefess to come in the form of a woman. They waited another day and still another and no signs or wonders were manifest.

Meanwhile Maui, changing himself into a white bird, flew up into the sky to catch the ghost of the goddess of rain which had escaped from the burning oven.

Having caught this spirit, he rolled it in some kapa cloth which lie kept for food to be placed in an oven and carried it to a place in the forest on the mountain side where again the attempt was made to “burn the rain,” but a great drop escaped and sped upward into the sky.

Whether this Maui legend has any real connection with the two Hinas and the famine we do not surely know. After five days had passed the retainers decided on their own responsibility to open the imu. No woman had appeared to give them directions.

Nothing but a mysterious rain cloud over the hill. In doubt and fear, the dirt was thrown off and the mats removed. Nothing was found but the ashes of Hina Kuluua.

There was no food for her followers and the goddess had lost all power of appearing as a chiefess. Her bitter and thoughtless jealousy brought destruction upon herself and her people.

The ghosts of Hina Ke Ahi and Hina Kuluua sometimes draw near to the old hills in the form of the fire of flowing lava or clouds of rain while the old men and women tell the story of the Hinas, the sisters of Maui, who were laid upon the burning stones of the imus of a famine. (Westervelt)

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Hilo_Hills-Three_Sisters-Puuhono-Opeapea-Halai-Leithead-Todd
Hilo_Hills-Three_Sisters-Puuhono-Opeapea-Halai-Leithead-Todd
Waiakea_USGS_Quadrangle-Waiakea-Hilo-1912-portion-Hilo Hills marked
Waiakea_USGS_Quadrangle-Waiakea-Hilo-1912-portion-Hilo Hills marked

Filed Under: Place Names, Hawaiian Traditions Tagged With: Hina Ke Ahi, Hawaii, Hina Ke Kai, Hawaii Island, Hina Mahuia, Hilo, Hina Kuluua, Maui, Hina, Hilo Hills, Ghosts, Halai, Opeapea, Puu Honu

July 28, 2018 by Peter T Young 1 Comment

He keiki aloha nā mea kanu

Beloved children are the plants (Pukui 1983:76, verse 684)

The forests, as the home of the akua, were seen as awesome and profoundly spiritual places. One did not enter them, or take from them, without first asking permission, and respectful behavior was always shown to all of the beings that lived there. (Anderson-Fung & Maly)

The gathering of plants served many important cultural purposes. Plants were consumed for food and medicine (e.g., the bark of the root of the ʻuhaloa was used for sore throat), used as tools and building materials, art, and adornments. (Kumupaʻa)

Participants in a recent Puna-based ethno-historical analysis noted that the Puna uplands have been traditionally accessed to gather lāʻau (plants, wood) for a variety of uses, and these practices must continue to be exercised today.

1. Native Out-planting: Because many of the native plants gathered by practitioners are rapidly dying off, it was recommended that action be taken to replace and reestablish these valuable forest plants.

2. Cultural Access: Community participants recommended that the forest be kept open and accessible to cultural practitioners such as hālau hula, artists, and lāʻau lapaʻau healers for native plant gathering. (Kumupaʻa)

Papa Henry Auwae, a prominent Kahuna Lā‘au Lapa‘au (Hawaiian herbalist), spoke of some of the different medicinal plants and herbs in the forest (and concern for the plants that had been impacted by the prior contemplated geothermal use):

“Plenty lā‘aus out here. Kōpiko. Oh boy. Oh my, the lama and the ‘ōpikos are all down. You see this tree here? Oh, my goodness. This is ‘ōpiko, this tree here. And the bark, all this bark here is all wasted already, you see. Poho, all this, all wasted.”

“And this is, we can use this for — you know, a woman when they miscarriage, all the time miscarriage. And this is the kind of bark we use for tea, make it into a tea form. But this is all waste. How many years this thing old? Oh, my goodness, cannot get anything. Poho.”

“You cannot get a tree like this to grow overnight. It takes years. And this kind of tree, they don’t grow too fast, they grow real slow, very slow. That one here took about 300 years, 300, 400 years. This is all waste, waste, wasted forever.

“And this is the kind of thing, we should stop people like this desecrating the forest. Why don’t they see people like us Hawaiians and we can help them, you know …”

“… go into a place like this and then try and save our herbs, our trees, you know, our lifestyle, instead of just waste it for themselves, through greediness. They like all the money. But how much life can they save? I can save life. Can they save life?”

“And this tree is gone forever. We cannot get this tree back in life again. And how many more trees like this that they had damaged and wasted? Cannot tell. We have use of the forest, we have the use of all the herbs in the forest to save people, to save human life.”

“And every time I walk and I see in a forest like this, I feel, I feel for the ‘āina. I feel what my grandmother taught me about the lā‘aus, how long it takes for the lā‘au to grow.”

“And people just come over here with a bulldozer and just knock it down. They don’t think, they don’t have any feelings.”

“You see that small leaves there? ‘Olu‘olu. That’s another medicine that we use. And it’s very scarce and very rare. This root here is important. This root here I would take this for medicine now. And I’m going to take this home for medicine right now. ‘Ohu nui.”

“For a person, I have a person coming up and he has been losing his voice; he cannot talk. So this is what we’re going to use to try and bring his voice back again. In a forest like this, there are a lot of lā‘au that can cure people. People all over the world you can cure.” (Nā Maka o ka ʻĀina; Kumupa‘a)

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Forest-WKOP-Portrait
Forest-WKOP-Portrait

Filed Under: General, Hawaiian Traditions, Place Names, Economy Tagged With: Hawaii, Forest, Plants

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