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Hawaiian Pineapple Day

“Pineapple growers in Hawaii during 1914 and 1915 are said to have sold their fruit at an average loss. Those producing this variety of fruit, and particularly those on the island of Maui, have not yet learned what price they will be offered by the canners this year, although there are indications that it will be better than during the past two years.”

“According to a grower in the Haiku district, island of Maui, there is evidence that the pack will not show the increase this year that it has in the past.”

“Many small growers on Oahu have been compelled to dispose of their holdings by practical inability to sell their fruit at all, and a considerable acreage has been allowed, for this reason, to grow up in weeds.”

“On Maui the crop will be short, both for the reason that the independent growers have not been planting heavily, on account of uncertainty as to price, and that the plantings suffered severely from incessant rains. The quality of the season’s pack also may be below the normal.”

“In order to stimulate planting the canning companies are advancing money to homesteaders and others. This has not been reported for several years. It is done on Oahu, and on Maui the Haiku Fruit & Packing Co. is also helping to finance small growers.”

“A homesteader in the Kuiaha tract has undertaken to plant 50 acres, and has been allowed an advance of $100 per acre for the property. Everything to interest planting has been done. However, the output for the Maui pack for the next two or three years is estimated to be smaller than in the past.”

“The price paid the growers on Maui last season was $11.25 per ton for first-class fruit, which low rate accounts for the indifference of growers in relation to extending their acreage. The new price will be announced in May.”

“The price of canned fruit has advanced some during the year and this may benefit the growers. The total pineapple pack for all the islands in 1915 was 2,175,000 cases.”

“The large pineapple canneries, such as the Hawaiian Pineapple Co., Thomas Pineapple Co., Libby, McNeil & Libby,  Haiku Fruit & Packing Co., and others which have large acreages of their own, independent of individual growers, had a large pineapple tonnage at their direct command throughout the year.”

“The Hawaiian Pineapple Packers’ Association, of Honolulu, entered into two extensive advertising campaigns in 1915. One was a grocery-window display of Hawaiian-canned pineapples in practically every State on the American mainland …”

“… while “Hawaiian Pineapple Day” … called for the preparation of special Hawaiian pineapple menus in American hotels from the Atlantic to the Pacific.”  (Commerce Reports)

“[T]he growers in Hawaii realized that they were not helping themselves by trying to promote individual brands. Instead, they decided to focus on promoting the Hawaiian pineapple over other foreign suppliers to increase America’s awareness of the product and through that, demand.” (Calabretta)

It had an inauspicious start … they proposed November 23, 1915 as ‘Hawaiian Pineapple Day,’ but mainland wholesalers said that was too close to Thanksgiving and retailers didn’t want to give up display space.

“Turkeys, cranberries, roast suckling pigs with apples in their mouths, and other Thanksgiving dainties will fill the windows of the mainland grocers Thanksgiving week, and Pineapple Day would be bound to suffer in the comparison.”

“The advice of the wholesale grocers, however, once given, was controlling. After comparatively little consideration, the joint committee decided that it could not afford to go counter to the judgment of its most valued aids, and took action accordingly.”

So, Hawaiian Pineapple Day was changed and celebrated November 10, 1915.  “On that day the Hawaiian Pineapple will be elevated to royal honors and proclaimed the King of Fruits.”

“We will place on the tables of the President of the United States, the Governors of States and Mayors large mainland cities, delicious bowls of sliced pineapples.”

“We believe that no menu, on Wednesday, November 10, 1915, will be complete unless its array of includes many dishes composed of the juicy Hawaiian pineapple. Last year practically every large hotel and cafe in the United States, and every railroad dining car and steamship dining saloon headed their menus ‘Hawaiian Pineapple Day,’ in red letters.”

“Grocers windows from Boston to San Francisco presented Hawaiian pineapples to the gaze of the passing public.  We ask you to join with us in this celebration, by jotting down the date now, and thus help us show the world that the ‘Paradise of the Pacific’ has a new industry designed to satisfy mankind’s ‘sweet tooth.’” (California Grocers Advocate)

‘Hawaiian Pineapple Day’ was at the Panama Pacific Exposition, held in San Francisco in November 1915, complete with Hawaiian leis for visitors with a pineapple hangtag naming the time and place.

The exposition was widely advertised. Canned pineapple was placed before President Wilson and the State Governors on that day, and hotels and cafes throughout the United States featured Hawaiian pineapple. (Canning Trade)

In San Francisco the day was observed in an impressive manner, the event culminating in a celebration on the grounds of the Panama-Pacific Exposition that the San Francisco Chronicle believed was by far the most impressive of the events designed to promote a food product.”

An immense crowd was attracted and 5,000 cans of pineapples were given away to visitors at the Palace of Horticulture. (San Francisco Chronicle)

The association was so helpful, we take it for granted in ads today. Similar to how California was portrayed as a wealthy, luxurious paradise, Dole capitalized on Hawaii’s tropical flair and mystery tenfold.

Hawaii was incredibly exotic and fantastic to mainland Americans who had only read of such a place in books. Pineapples represented “the flavor of aloha” as stated on Dole’s website.  (Calabretta)

The statistical results of the [Hawaiian Pineapple Day] campaign have been compiled by the Hawaii Promotion Committee and the Hawaiian Pineapple Packers’ Association, indicating that it was satisfactory.” (American Food Journal)]

The association not only helped increase sales, but also let Hawaiian growers command a higher price, even today. Many pineapples are grown and sold cheaper in Taiwan, but America’s trust has already been placed in the Dole Corporation and its Hawaiian fruits. (Calabretta)

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by Peter T Young Leave a Comment

Mānoa

Mānoa translates as “wide or vast” and is descriptive of the wide valley that makes up the inland portion of this ahupuaʻa.

Mānoa has been a well-populated place. The existence of heiau and trails leading to/from Honolulu indicate it was an important and frequently traversed land.

John Papa ʻI’i wrote of the many trails leading into and throughout Honolulu and the surrounding areas. A trail led out of town at the south side of the coconut grove of Honuakaha and went on to Kalia.  From Kalia it ran eastward along the borders of the fish ponds and met the trail from lower Waikīkī.  The trail went above the stream to Puʻu o Mānoa.

The evidence of numerous agricultural terraces indicates an abundant food source, probably to support a fairly large population. Its inclusion in many legends and tales also suggests Mānoa Ahupua’a was a significant and well-loved area.

One legend explains Mānoa misty rain, the weeping in grief by a mother, Kuahine, for the death of her beautiful daughter Kahalaopuna (“Ka Ua Kuahine O Mānoa” (the Kuahine rain of Mānoa.))

Mānoa Valley was a favored spot of the Ali‘i, including Kamehameha I, Chief Boki (Governor of O‘ahu), Ka‘ahumanu, Ha‘alilio (an advisor to King Kamehameha III), Princess Victoria, Kana‘ina (father of King Lunalilo), Lunalilo, Ke‘elikōlani (half sister of Kamehameha IV) and Queen Lili‘uokalani.

Mānoa was given to the Maui chief Kame‘eiamoku by Kamehameha I after his conquest of O‘ahu. After Kame‘eiamoku death, the land was inherited by his son Ulumāheihie (or Hoapili), who became the governor of Maui during the reigns of Kamehameha II and Kamehameha III.

Liliha, the daughter of Hoapili, inherited the lands in 1811 and brought them with her to her marriage with the high chief Boki, governor of O‘ahu.

In early times Mānoa Valley was socially divided into “Mānoa-Aliʻi” or “royal Mānoa” on the west, and “Mānoa-Kanaka” or “commoners’ (makaʻāinana) Mānoa” on the east.

An imaginary line was said to have been drawn from Puʻu O Mānoa (Rocky Hill) to Pali Luahine.  The Ali‘i lived on the high, cooler western (left) slopes; the commoners lived on the warmer eastern (right) slopes and on the valley floor where they farmed.

Mānoa is watered by five streams that merge into the lower Mānoa Stream: ‘Aihualama (lit. eat the fruit of the lama tree), Waihī (lit. trickling water), Nāniu‘apo (lit. the grasped coconuts), Lua‘alaea (lit. pit [of] red earth) and Waiakeakua (lit. water provided by a god).  (Cultural Surveys)

In 1792, Captain George Vancouver described Mānoa Valley on a hike from Waikīkī in search of drinking water: “We found the land in a high state of cultivation, mostly under immediate crops of taro; and abounding with a variety of wild fowl chiefly of the duck kind …”

“The sides of the hills, which were in some distance, seemed rocky and barren; the intermediate vallies, which were all inhabited, produced some large trees and made a pleasing appearance. The plains, however, if we may judge from the labour bestowed on their cultivation, seem to afford the principal proportion of the different vegetable productions …” (Edinburgh Gazetteer)

One century later, before it was urbanized, Mānoa Valley was described by Thrum (1892:)  “Manoa is both broad and low, with towering hills on both sides that join the forest clad mountain range at the head, whose summits are often hid in cloud land, gathering moisture there from to feed the springs in the various recesses …”

“… that in turn supply the streams winding through the valley, or watering the vast fields of growing taro, to which industry the valley is devoted. The higher portions and foot hills also give pasturage to the stock of more than one dairy enterprise.”

Handy (in his book Hawaiian Planter) writes that in ancient days, all of the level land in upper Mānoa was developed into taro flats and was well-watered, level land that was better adapted to terracing than neighboring Nuʻuanu.  The entire floor of Mānoa Valley was a “checkerboard of taro patches.”

Oahu’s first sugar plantation was established here in 1825, by an Englishman named John Wilkinson. Wilkinson died in 1826, the mill for the sugar was moved to Honolulu.

The plantation was sold and new owners wanted to turn it into a distillery. When Ka‘ahumanu heard of this, she was outraged and made Boki give them to Hiram Bingham and his wife as a base for mission work (and later, Punahou School.)

The well-watered, fertile and relatively level lands of Mānoa Valley supported extensive wet taro cultivation well into the twentieth century. Handy and Handy estimated that in 1931 “there were still about 100 terraces in which wet taro was planted, although these represented less than a tenth of the area that was once planted by Hawaiians.” (Cultural Surveys)

In the early part of the nineteenth century, the Japanese began to move in to the upper valley to start truck farms, growing strawberries, vegetables, such as Japanese dryland taro, Japanese burdock, radishes, sweet potatoes, lettuce, carrots, soy beans and flowers to sell to the Honolulu markets.

“Though the valley is under almost complete cultivation of taro, largely by Chinese companies, an effort was made by them in 1882 to divert it to the growth of rice, but after two years struggle with high winds, cold rains and myriads of rice birds it was abandoned.”  (Thrum, 1892)

Today, Mānoa is primarily a residential community in Honolulu’s Primary Urban Center.  It is home to over 20,000 permanent residents and University of Hawaiʻi-Manoa (with a student body population of around 20,000) (and several other schools, businesses, etc.)

For an expanded discussion on Mānoa, click the link:

https://imagesofoldhawaii.com/wp-content/uploads/Manoa-Valley.pdf

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by Peter T Young Leave a Comment

Poll Tax

Capitation Taxes, or poll taxes, are levied on each person without reference to income or property. The US Constitution, in Article I, Section 9, forbids the federal government from levying a capitation or other direct tax “unless in Proportion to the Census of Enumeration” provided for in Section 2.

Section 9, however, in accord with colonial practices of placing taxes on the importation of convicts and slaves, permits a tax or duty to be imposed on persons entering the United States, ‘not exceeding ten dollars for each person.’  The poll-tax restriction does not apply to the states. (Encyclopedia-com)

Virginia, the earliest settlement (1607) levied the first known colonial tax – a poll (head) tax in 1619. The universal poll tax, New York being the only exception, applied to free men regardless of occupation or the amount of property holdings. (Howe and Reeb)

Capitation, major direct tax in France before the Revolution of 1789, was first established in 1695 as a wartime measure. Originally, the capitation was to be paid by every subject, the amount varying according to class.

For the purpose of the tax, French society was divided into 22 classes, ranging from members of the royal family who owed 2,000 livres (basic monetary unit of pre-Revolutionary France) to dayworkers who owed only one livre. (Britannica)

Begun in the 1890s as a legal way to keep African Americans from voting in southern states, poll taxes were essentially a voting fee. Eligible voters were required to pay their poll tax before they could cast a ballot.

A “grandfather clause” excused some poor whites from payment if they had an ancestor who voted before the Civil War, but there were no exemptions for African Americans. (Smithsonian National Museum of American History)

In the Islands, tax laws through the early 1840s illustrate a gradual transition to Western-style tax law, while initially allowing some familiar Hawaiian commodity payments in lieu of currency.

The first written Hawaiian tax law, dated December 27, 1826, allowed payment in specific goods or Spanish currency. The law required each able man in the Kingdom to pay their konohiki half a picul of good sandalwood, or four Spanish dollars, or another commodity worth that amount.

Each woman was directed to provide authorities with a mat six by twelve, or tapa of equal value, or one Spanish dollar.  (Woods)

In the Kingdom laws of 1842, “The prerogatives of the King are as follows: He is the sovereign of all the people and all the chiefs. The kingdom is his. He shall have the direction of the army and all the implements of war of the kingdom. “

“He also shall have the direction of the government property – the poll tax – the land tax – the three days monthly labor, though in conformity to the laws. He also shall retain his own private lands, and lands forfeited for the nonpayment of taxes shall revert to him. …”

“There shall be two forms of taxation in the Hawaiian Kingdom. The one a poll tax, to be paid in money, the other a land tax, to be paid in Swine; or these shall be the standard of taxation, though in failure of these articles other property will be received. The amount of poll tax shall be as follows.

  • For a man, one dollar.
  • For a woman, half a dollar.
  • For a Boy, one fourth of a dollar.
  • For a girl, one eighth of a dollar.”

“This is the ratio of taxation for adults and children above 14 years of age. But feeble old men and women shall not be taxed at all. In the back part of the islands where money is difficult to be obtained.”

“Arrow Root will be a suitable substitute. Thirty-three pounds of good arrow root will be taken for a dollar. Cotton also is another suitable article; sixteen pounds will be accounted equal to a dollar. Sugar is another suitable article; also nets.”

“If any individual do not obtain the money at the time when every man, is to pay his taxes, and if he do not obtain arrow root, nor sugar, nor nets, until the specified months for payment are passed, viz October, November and December …”

“… and if the last days of December have passed, then every man shall be fined the value of two dollars, (if his tax is not paid) and the same rates of increase shall be observed in relation to those whose taxes are less than that of a man.”

“The fine shall be paid in some property that can be sold for the value of two dollars, but not in property subject to immediate decay or death.”  (Constitution and Laws of the Hawaiian Islands, 1842)

Later, the poll tax swallowed up the formerly separate road and school taxes; it accounted for one-eighth of Hawaii’s revenues in 1902. It had fallen to be a mere nuisance tax, bringing in only 2 per cent, when it was abolished in 1943.  (Although called a poll tax, in the Islands it was never a qualification to participate in the election process.  (Tax Foundation of Hawai‘i))

In 1964 the Twenty-Fourth amendment prohibited the use of poll taxes for federal elections. Five states enforced payment of poll taxes for state elections until 1966, when the US Supreme Court declared them unconstitutional.  (Smithsonian National Museum of American History))

There is no Poll Tax – Vote.

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by Peter T Young Leave a Comment

Kukuiokāne

Heiau drum of Kukuiokāne deeply resounds,
unites the gathering of beloved ones.
Kumukumu’s kapu violated,

Kumukumu is near the head of Wailele stream, which joins Kamo‘oali‘i stream and flows into Kāne‘ohe Bay near Waikalua fishpond. The kukui tree is a form of the god Kamapua‘a, the pig god, and the chant calls on his boars to form a protective barrier around the heiau and the sacred trees:

Kāne’s boars surrounding the kukui grove.
Return again, and yet again, its sacredness to the earth,
living kapu of Kukuiokāne.

Beneath Keahiakahoe, the second-highest peak in the Ko‘olau range was the site of Kukuiokāne.  (Kawaharada)   Keahiakahoe is the name of the mountain which stands at the back of the ahupua‘a of Kaneohe.

It is a land of low hills and valleys, watered by spring-fed streams, and crowded with farms of taro sweet potatoes, sugar cane, pandanus, wauke, bananas and coconut palms. (Akaka)

“There was a farmer that lived in Ha‘ikū Valley and his name was Kahoe. The legend about Keahiakahoe has to do with his imu pit where he cooked his sweet potatoes. Keahiakahoe means ‘the fire of Kahoe.’ And the fire could be seen from the ocean side.”

“So the mountain top that is named for him, Ke Ahi a Kahoe, where the transmitter station was. The tallest part over He‘eia is that peak Keahiakahoe.” (Mahealani; Pacific Worlds)

Kukuiokāne heiau is a temple ruin of unknown antiquity. Probably, it was originally built at some time during the period A.D. 1400-1500, when the political control of the island of O‘ahu was unified under famous chiefs such as Kakuhihewa, Olopana, Kamapua‘a and Kalamakua. (This was a period in Hawaiian history where a number of large temples were built). (Akaka)

Kukuiokāne, light of Kāne, was once the largest and most important heiau of the region. The heiau was dedicated to Kāne, the god of life-giving water and farming.

Kāne was the leading god among the many gods of our ancestors, and Kāne was worshipped as the god of procreation and as the ancestor of both chiefs and commoners. (Akaka)

Kāne gives his name not just to the heiau, but to the ahupua‘a itself, Kāne‘ohe: ‘ohe, or bamboo, is one of his forms. (Landgraf & Hamasaki)

Thrum reported in 1915 that Kukuiokāne was “being destroyed” to plant pineapples fields. McAllister visited the area in 1933 and noted that the heiau was gone, but that “the ploughed-up remains indicate heavy walls and several terraces.”

In 1988, archaeologist Earl Neller reported that while probing for sites in the path of the freeway, he had found the site of the heiau. However, the following year, after further excavation, the Bishop Museum declared that the site identified by Neller represented dry land agricultural terraces, not a heiau. Work on the freeway continued. Neller was replaced.

In 1991, Bishop Museum’s archaeological project director Scott Williams concluded that the site identified by Neller and three adjoining sites formed an agricultural complex that included Kukuiokāne.

A place name and the flora around this site speak of the presence of Kāne and his heiau. A nearby site on the pali of Keahiakahoe is named Papua‘a a Kāne, the pig enclosures of Kāne, where the god is said to have kept his prized pigs. Beneath it is a grove of kukui trees, the rich, oily nuts providing food for the pigs.  (Landgraf & Hamasaki)

Because of the destruction of this heiau by Libby, McNeill & Libby Company, a disease attacked their pineapples and the undertaking was a failure, according to the old Hawaiians of the district.

The structure was said to be very large and if the many stones, some several feet in thickness, scattered throughout the area are any indication of the extent and importance of the former heiau, the native conception is quite justified. The ploughed-up remains indicate heavy walls and several terraces. It is impossible to obtain dimensions. (Kumupono)

Kukuiokane heiau was directly in the path of H-3 (the sixteen-mile freeway runs between the Joint Base Pearl Harbor–Hickam (formerly Pearl Harbor Naval Base) in Pu‘uloa, and the Marine Corps Air Station (MCAS) Kaneohe Bay on Mōkapu Peninsula, tunneling through the Ko‘olau Mountains from Hālawa Valley to Ha‘ikū Valley).

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by Peter T Young Leave a Comment

Teacherages

The teacher’s home stands in almost the same relation to the school that the parsonage or manse does to the church.

Various names, such as teacher’s home, manse, teacherage, attic apartment, “lean-to,” and dominage, are applied to the district-owned buildings or to rooms in the schoolhouse that provide living quarters for teachers.  (Muerman)

In the New England States the academies of the early days usually provided dormitories for the pupils. In these dormitories rooms were frequently set apart for members of the faculty who had supervision over the students who lived in the dormitories.

Several of these academies have been purchased by the school committees for use as public-school buildings, and with this purchase a home is provided for the teacher.

In the year 1894 rural school district No. 1, in Hall County, Nebraska, built a teachers’ home at a cost to the district of $1,000. This is perhaps the first one built by a school district for this purpose.

100 years ago, “It is not difficult to secure the services of competent teachers for such schools as have been supplied with teachers’ homes …”

“… and when good teachers schools as have been supplied with teachers’ homes, and when good teachers have been hired for these schools there seems to be less difficulty in retaining them for a greater number of years than they would be willing to stay in schools where teachers’ homes have not been provided.”

“The teachers who live at these homes are able to do better work; they live at a lower cost; they are happier; they have a place in which to prepare their work undisturbed …”

“… they are free from liability to entanglement in neighborhood differences; they are not so apt to make enemies during the school year because of a change of boarding places …”

“… they have a place in which to entertain patrons of the school, who as a rule are inclined to call on the teachers more often than where they are expected to go to the homes of their neighbors in order to do so …”

“… they go home less frequently on Friday evenings; in fact they live at home, feel at home, act at home, and are at home at the school.”  (Muerman)

As part of the national discussion about teacherages 100 years ago, “The discourse about the cottages reveals that the issue is larger than just providing housing for teachers.”

Some saw them as a way to accomplish the goal of integrating scientific management techniques into the education system.   “For them, teacherages provided an opportunity to put into practice their theories about home economics, vocational training and the cultivation of community life through schools.”

Others, particularly women, saw teacher housing as one of the several reforms needed to remediate women’s position in education and society.  (Felber)

“The system of providing teachers’ cottages is an old one in Hawaii, going back to the middle of the last century.  The teachers’ residence was built on the school lot, which was owned either by the Mission or by the Crown. The first cottages were small and primitive, in keeping with the simple architecture of the time.”

“It must be remembered that Hawaii had a highly developed educational system long before the western States were extensively settled. At one time, children were sent from the Northwest and from California to Hawaii to receive their education.”

“From those early days down to [100-years ago], there has been a steady growth in the number and character of the teachers’ cottages.”

100 years ago in Hawai‘i, “constructed cottages compare favorably with the better suburban bungalows and cottages. For example, the type of cottage [then] provided at a number of our larger rural schools would rent in Honolulu for from sixty to ninety dollars per month.” (MacGaughty)

“The school cottages are almost invariably built on the school lot adjacent to the regular school buildings. In most of the larger rural schools, the principal has a separate cottage for himself, or herself, and family.”

“[T]here is no other part of the United States where the teachers’ cottage system has been developed to the degree found in Hawaii. Here, it is a regular feature of all rural schools throughout the Territory.”

“The teachers who are assigned to the rural schools are given lodgings gratis, with no additional charge and in addition to their regular salary.” (MacGaughey)

The following letter from a group of mainland teachers, who came to the Islands 100-years ago, will indicate one reaction of newcomers to the teachers’ cottage system in Hawaii: “To the Editor of the Hawaii Educational Review” …

“Dear Sir: From the deepest gratitude we write this public testimony to the unexpected and very generous welcome the six coast teachers received. No one can fully appreciate the pleasure that we felt unless she too has been a coast girl plunged into the new and not altogether easily adaptable circumstances of a teacher in a plantation school of the Hawaiian Islands.”

“From the moment we crossed the landing place, where we were met by some kindly citizens with cars, and given the best breakfast obtainable at one of the local hotels, until we crossed the threshold of the cottage which was to be our home for the next year, we have felt welcome and wanted.”

“But more especially when we entered the cottage did we see evidences on every side of the thoughtfulness of the men and women of the interior of the cottage had been freshly painted, the necessary furniture had been made the previous school year by the manual training boys and nicely stained during the summer.”

“The windows shone clear and were hung with dainty curtains, and the dressers and tables were fitted out with covers to match. The kitchen was almost completely equipped with the needed utensils, and there was a very complete set of tasteful and pretty dishes – all of which girls especially appreciate.”

“From the outset of the school year, we have been called upon by the women of the plantation, and we really have felt an enthusiasm for entering into community affairs.”

“The clean and dainty appearance of our cottage as we explored it made us long to do the best we could for the boys and girls whose parents had been so thoughtful of us who were almost strangers to them.”

“Since all these things have been done for our comfort, we feel that it would be the least we could do in return to give their boys and girls the best we have of ourselves, our ideals, and our advantages”. (signed, the teachers)

“The effects of the teachers’ cottage system in stabilizing the teaching force are obvious.”

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