Kona | Page 6 | Images of Old Hawaiʻi

May 2, 2023 by Peter T Young Leave a Comment

Minoru Inaba

Minoru Inaba, the third of nine children, was born on February 20, 1904, in Holualoa, Kana. His parents, Hatsuyo and Zentaro Inaba, were immigrants.

“I think they came here during the latter part of the 1890s. Mother came to Kona with my father – that is, Kitao – and my stepfather came from Papaikou to Kana. He was one of the contract laborers in Papaikou.”

“My father was Zentaro Inaba. That’s my stepfather. My mother was Hatsuyo Inaba. Her maiden name was Hatsuyo Miyamoto. Now, my real father, when I was very young, left for the Mainland. And subsequent to that, my [step]father came to Kona and married my mother. As far as I’m concerned, I don’t know my real father. Ever since my childhood, my father was Zentaro Inaba.”

There were nine of us. Seven boys and two girls. The oldest in my family is my sister. She’s Mrs. Ikeda. Then came Albert. By the way, he was the first principal of Japanese extraction in the state. At that time, of course, it was a territory. He became principal of the Honaunau School. Then he moved to Molokai. During his latter years, he became principal of the Molokai High and Elementary School.”

“Then, I’m the third in the family. Below me there are six. Now, right below me is my sister Fukumi. She was teaching at Pahala. … Then comes Yoshio, who’s an engineer. He served, at one time, for the county as a county engineer under Jimmy Kealoha, who was at that time the executive officer of the County of Hawaii. Now, the office is called the mayor’s office.”

“Then comes Norman Inaba. He’s in business in Honolulu. He has a industrial loan company and also a realty business. Then, next comes Goro, who is now at Holualoa. He has a service station and runs the hotel that mother and father built back in 1926. Then comes Futoshi. He’s in contracting in Hilo. Then, next comes Jimmy Inaba, who’s an auditor.”

Minoru’s parents “built that hotel – Kona Hotel – in 1926. So, they were running the hotel. … Father used to cook, and mother used to clean the rooms and so on. And they had a girl there that did the rooms. Mother did the laundry and things like that. And father did the cooking.”

“Who were the people who used to stay at the hotel? … Oh, most of them were salesmen … Travelling salesmen. Then, we’d have tourists come in once in a while. Because, at that time, the only hotels were the Kona Inn and Manago Hotel in Kona. And, of course, my folks’ hotel.”

“I guess his cooking ability was the reason they opened the hotel. The hotel food was western and Father was quite a cook. He always served soup which was well liked by the customers … beef soup.” (Minoru Inaba, Social History)

Minoru attended English and Japanese-language school in Holualoa. In 1925, he was one of five students in Konawaena High School’s first graduating class. During his youth, he was active in kenbu (Japanese interpretive dances performed with the aid of a sword), baseball and football.

He worked on the family coffee farm, “there was no other industry in Kona except coffee farming, and the sugar plantation, for a while. And of course, ranching, they had from way back. There was no tourism. No other businesses except coffee farming in Kona.”

“We picked coffee during the day, and then in the late afternoon, grind the coffee so that it could be dried the following morning. In those days, we used to have a coffee platform. We’d spread the coffee out on the platform, and if it looked like rain, we had to push the coffee up to the edge of the platform and cover it with galvanized iron.”

“Then, later on, somebody thought of an idea where the platform would be covered by a moving contraption, where you could move the whole roof on a track. When it rained, you just push it back. When it was sunny, you’d push it out so that the coffee would dry.”

“You know, when you in the seventh grade like that, to carry one bag of coffee was quite a chore. And load three bags on a donkey and come up the trail. When it rain, the donkey would slip on the trail, fall. Had to unload the coffee, get the donkey up, load it again. I know, many times, I used to cry.” (Minoru Inaba)

Until 1925, Minoru took on many jobs – helping on the family coffee farm, doing canefield work, driving a taxi and school bus, working at a sisal mill, working at the telephone exchange, and doing postal work at Holualoa.

Later, Minoru attended the University of Hawaii, graduating with a bachelor’s degree in education in 1929. In subsequent years, he served as teacher, counselor, coach and vice-principal. He retired in 1968.

“As time went on, I think there’s been a change. It’s vastly different from what it is today than what it was before. As I said, I think, back when I was counselor, they respected law and order more than they do now. They had little more respect for teachers and the elders.”

“But I wouldn’t say that of every youngster today, but I’m speaking in general terms, now. You don’t have that kind of respect that the early youngsters had for their teachers and their elders today.” (Inaba)

Inaba’s 38 years as a teacher, coach, and vice principal at Konawaena High School from the 1920s made him a respected figure. “He had the respect of two generations. He taught fathers and children,” said Kona rancher and former County Councilman Sherwood Greenwell. (Thompson)

“(A)fter having been with the Department of Education for 38 years, I thought maybe I was due for a good rest and do the things that I wanted to do like fishing, things like this. But it didn’t turn out that way.”

“After I retired, in fact, the year that I retired, people approached me, the community people, and asked me if I would not run for elected office.”

“Not having had any experience, I said definitely no, I’m not interested in running for office but upon so many people coming to my home and insisting I run, I finally decided to run and in 1968 I ran for the office of representative from our district (and served for 10-years).” (Inaba, Social History of Kona)

“What Inaba had done as an educator to build individuals, he did for Kona’s physical facilities as a legislator. Inaba obtained money for a new Kona Hospital, to expand Honokohau Harbor, to drill a new water well, making a community water system possible.”

“I can remember the days (before the well) when we all had water tanks in Kona,” said Marnie Herkes of the Kona-Kohala Chamber of Commerce. Inaba brought money to his district “unfailingly,” Greenwell said. (Thompson) Inaba died June 6, 2002.

Here’s a link to a Kona Historical Society video that includes Minoru Inaba:

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=yE2bnqVB_Q0

April 24, 2023 by Peter T Young Leave a Comment

Social History of Kona

In 1980, the University of Hawaii conducted an Ethnic Studies Oral History Project that documents a number of individual oral history interviews with people from Kona. It is a virtual Who’s Who speaking about the old days in Kona.

It was funded, in part, by the Hawaii Committee for the Humanities (HCH) – I served on the Board of the HCH when this project was proposed and approved. A two-volume set of books titled “A Social History of Kona” was a result of this project.

“In the late 19th century, Kona gained a reputation as a ‘haven’ for immigrants who broke their labor contracts with the islands’ sugar plantations. Many came to grow, pick, or mill coffee in the area’s rocky farmlands.”

“These early immigrants and others who later joined them helped Kona acquire distinction as the only area in the United States to grow coffee commercially for over 100 years.”

Based on selected oral history transcripts, community meeting discussions, and informal conversations with Kona residents, humanities Scholar, Stephen Boggs, Professor of Anthropology at the University of Hawaii-Manoa, prepared a preliminary discussion on values relating to common themes that were identified in the interviews of the Japanese immigrants.

These give you a sense of who these people are. These themes included independence and advancement, tenure and obligation, landownership, economic insecurity, hard work, family responsibility, cooperation between households, isolation and entertainment, and the preservation of ethnic customs.

Independence and Advancement

“The value accorded to independence is clearly indicated in discussions of reasons for migrating to Kona and in comparisons of the meaning of work on coffee farms and plantations.”

“‘Coffee meant freedom’ compared with work on the plantations. Compulsion and demeaning treatment were frequently mentioned as aspects of plantation work.”

“Such are the memories that the first generation frequently passed on to the second. Compared to this, Kona had the reputation among the first generation as a ‘place, independent, peaceful’ where ‘everyone looked forward to coming.’”

“Work for one’s own benefit made it possible to advance. … Thus, children were encouraged to study as well as work after school, it was said, ‘so they would amount to something.’ The eldest often stayed home to work on the farm so that a younger sibling (usually a brother) could go further in school.”

“Parents encouraged their children to leave farming for higher education, even though they might need them on their farms. All of this testifies to the importance attached to education, which was assumed to lead to advancement.”

“There is no doubt that advancement was a key value, and even a conscious one, for those who came to Kona.”

Tenure and Obligation

“Advancement was not easy. All that the first generation had when they arrived in Kona was their labor and ingenuity. They had no knowledge of the crops that they would grow, or the growing conditions of Kona.”

“In order to gain access to the necessary land and credit for crop and living expenses, they had to become indebted to merchants, brokers, or other businessmen who bought their crop of coffee.”

“The feeling of obligation to creditors did not depend upon any external sanctions. Instead it was a matter of loyalty: a borrower would be loyal to a creditor above and beyond any contractual obligation.”

There was “the ‘debt adjustment’ of the 1930s. This was a significant historical event in Kona. According to some estimates, hundreds of thousands of dollars which were owed by farmers and could not be repaid because of a long period of low coffee prices worldwide, were forgiven.”

“People in 1980-81 recalled that Amfac was the major benefactor, releasing a million dollars of indebtedness. One can well imagine the relief which this would give to people … In fact people said that the debt reduction probably saved the coffee industry. That was almost the same as saying that it saved the people of Kona, given their strong identification with coffee.”

“The credit system had a beneficial aspect in normal times, as well as creating a burden of obligation. Thus, a farmer could rely upon a creditor when money was needed, unlike those who paid cash only. The credit system thus provided some reassurance.”

Landownership

“Leasing of land was a source of insecurity, although not the most important one. To overcome it people strove to buy land wherever possible. Landownership was thus a value. Even though leases were typically renewed, lease rents could go up, or ownership of the land could change, making continued leasing impossible.”

“Discussing landownership, people added that leasing did not allow you to realize the value of improvements if the lease were terminated. For such reasons, then, people sought to own land.”

Insecurity a Basic Condition

“Plantation workers in Hawaii were largely shielded by their employers from the consequences of fluctuations in prices for sugar and pineapple. They were rarely laid off even during long periods of low prices.”

“But Kona coffee farmers were not protected in this way. World coffee prices often fluctuated severely, with low prices prevailing for a long time. There was no way to avoid the resulting insecurity on the farms.”

“Insecurity was therefore a fundamental condition affecting the development of values in Kona. On the one hand, insecurity heightened the burden of obligation incurred by debt, since even in a good harvest a price drop could make it impossible to repay debts.

“On the other hand, anxiety bred of insecurity caused people to rely even more strongly upon such values as hard work, family responsibility, and cooperation between households, which enabled them to survive. Conversely, however, as security was achieved, support for these values was undercut.”

“When coffee price dropped people took other jobs and planted other crops for income, as well as growing their own food. But income from other crops could not be realized when the entire Kona economy was depressed”.

“Others left Kona to enter other kinds of work. During a three-four year period, when coffee prices were consistently depressed, approximately 80 percent of Kona’s young people and some 54 families abandoned coffee farms in Kona.”

“One can well imagine the insecurity involved in such an exodus, which was faced by those who remained as well as those who left.”

Hard Work

“The first generation and their children worked hard in order to allay the insecurity just described. If their labor and ingenuity were all that they possessed, they made the most of both. Because of reliance upon hard work, it became a value for both generations.”

“We were consistently told in conversations about the old days how hard and long everyone worked. Especially by children describing their parents’ lives. Stories were told: of clearing land and bringing down soil from the forest by hand for planting; of days that began before dawn and lasted until the wee hours of the following day.”

“In those days plantation workers put in ten hours in the fields and twelve in the mills. … During harvests, everyone worked, even the children, partly because their labor was needed, partly in order to teach them to work.”

“People recalled picking as children both before and after school, sometimes as much as two bags. After harvest there was more pruning, cleaning the ground of weeds, and planting subsistence gardens.”

“We were surprised that there were relatively few memories of relaxation during the long season between harvests. The impression given was that people worked all the time, except for holidays and weddings, when there was also work of a different kind, as well as relaxation.”

Family Responsibility

“Working for the family was one of the most cherished values that we encountered. As one person volunteered in one of our earliest meetings, “despite the hardship, coffee was good because the family had to work together, it kept unity in the family, instead of each going their separate ways.’”

“The sense of responsibility was another value that was strengthened by insecurity. Like hard work it provided reassurance, but in a more direct, psychological way.”

“Mention has already been made of children staying back from further schooling in order to send a younger one to school. One result of hard work and family responsibility was that workers from Kona gained a reputation elsewhere for loyalty and good work.”

“Girls especially felt the burden of family responsibility. They more than boys were held back from school to learn to sew and help on the farm. Consequently, fewer girls than boys in the second generation went to high school, some being educated at the Buddhist missions instead.”

Cooperation Between Households

“People knew that they could expect help from one another when problems or difficulties occurred, which was also a strong psychological reassurance.”

“Reliance upon the kumiai [Japanese community groups] when demands exceeded what one family could do led naturally into reliance upon the kumiai for go-betweens to settle disputes. Members of the kumiai provided other services as well, including repairing machinery, helping to start a balky engine, etc.”

“Mention was made earlier of ingenuity. Many examples of this were shown us and described in conversations. Machinery of all kinds was invented and manufactured on the spot from local materials, a treasure of ‘appropriate technology’ exists in Kona. Such improvements were shared.”

“This was the “Spirit of Kona” fostered by the kumiai. … Given the experience described it was natural for Kona’s Japanese to band together to meet other needs as well.”

“Because of the frequent recourse to kumiai (the term is applied to members as well as the organization) and the principle of mutual help on which it was based, there is little wonder that kumiai was identified with ‘the spirit of Kona’s past.’”

“People also referred to it as ‘the center of the neighborhood’ and used it ‘to get messages through’ when households were widely dispersed and means of transportation and communication difficult or nonexistent.”

“These were not the only organizations promoting the value of cooperation among Kona’s first two generations. Informants and group discussions alike insisted upon the importance of tanomoshi, a form of rotating credit association.”

“Funds of the tanomoshi were crucial before credit unions developed to provide money for emergencies, purchase of land or leases, housing, and other large expenditures.”

Isolation and Entertainment

“Some values had their principal basis in circumstances other than insecurity. One such value was coming together for social celebrations and entertainment.”

“The relative isolation no doubt contributed to the emphasis placed by our informants upon the importance of the rare occasions on which people congregated. Every Community Meeting insisted on including this in their history.”

“People also recalled benches in front of stores, on which people could rest to visit on infrequent visits to the store, now sadly out of style. They also remembered the popularity of Japanese movies and the fact that singing was part of almost every get-together.”

Japanese Customs

“Many practices were brought by the first generation from Japan that undoubtedly functioned to provide continuity and identity. … These practices represented values in themselves.”

“Ties with the Government of Japan were systematically maintained until World War II broke them. Overseas Japanese were registered by a census – the Jinko-chosa. Children and marriages were also registered in simplified form in the koseki (family household register) so as to maintain Japanese citizenship.”

“There was a celebration for the Emperor’s birthday – Tenchosetsu, when a considerable collection was taken up, as on other occasions, such as military victories. When merchant marine ships from Japan paid courtesy calls at Kailua, young people in a group would go down and perform on the porch of the old Amfac Building”.

“The Nisei did not carry on these practices as the first generation did. Indeed, the transition to American ceremonies started with the latter. … With the outbreak of war all external symbols of Japanese tradition had to be disposed of Kona was occupied by American troops, and relations with them were tense.”

Conclusions: The Significance of Kona

“To Japanese Kona meant coffee farming. It was obvious from the first that people spoke of coffee when they thought of the first generation. The term ‘coffee pioneers’ describes them.”

“This focus upon coffee almost excludes reference to Kona as a land, a place, in the interviews and discussions. It is not that Kona Japanese do not appreciate the beauty of Kona or feel a bond with the place. At least one informant spoke of Kona as ‘an ideal place to retire’ and predicted that many who left would return.”

“But they speak of Kona as a place rarely, while they speak of coffee in every other utterance. Why is this? The answer tells

us much about the meaning of coffee, and hence of Kona, to the Japanese.”

April 7, 2023 by Peter T Young Leave a Comment

Coffee Schedule

As early as 1684, a grammar school founded in Massachusetts required 12 months of education. In 1841, Boston schools operated for 244 days while Philadelphia implemented a 251-day calendar.

In the beginning of the nineteenth century, large cities commonly had long school years, ranging from 251 to 260 days. During this time, many of these rural schools were only open about 6 months out of the year. (Pedersen)

The origin for the traditional school calendar based purely on agrarian needs was not entirely accurate. In the 19th century districts organized their calendars around the needs of the community.

For example, some special provisions were made for vacations during September and October for communities with large fall harvests. Prior to 1890, students in major urban areas were in school for 11 months a year. But by 1900, the more popular 180 day, 9-month calendar had been firmly established. (Pedersen)

In the days before air conditioning, schools and entire cities could be sweltering places during the hot summer months. Wealthy and eventually middle-class urbanites also usually made plans to flee the city’s heat, making those months the logical time in cities to suspend school.

By the late 19th century, school reformers started pushing for standardization of the school calendar across urban and rural areas. So a compromise was struck that created the modern school calendar. (PBS)

In Kona, the harvest of coffee used to set the school calendar. “(B)ecause coffee was the basic industry in those days, much of the land was planted in coffee, of course. As of now, much of the land has been abandoned. But in those days, coffee was the basic industry in Kona.”

“(T)here was no other industry in Kona except coffee farming, and the sugar plantation, for a while. And of course, ranching, they had from way back. There was no tourism. No other businesses except coffee farming in Kona. … Most of the families were farmers. … coffee farmers.” (Minoru Inaba)

“As early as 1916 a ‘coffee vacation’ of three weeks in each November was an established institution in central Kona, where 95 per cent of Hawaii’s coffee industry is located.”

“It continued up to 1924, when the ‘vacation’ became optional – each school deciding when and how many weeks the vacation may be held each autumn.” (Inouye)

Then, in 1931, “A special vacation of three weeks for all schools in Kona has been sanctioned by the department of public instruction … The length of the vacation was a compromise between four or five weeks wanted by the (coffee) planters, and two weeks favored by most school principals.” (Hawaii Tribune Herald, Sep 23, 1931)

That, apparently, wasn’t good enough to address the needs of families of Konawaena – a couple weeks later it was announced, “Members of the Kona-waena Parent-Teacher association gave their unanimous approval at a meeting yesterday …”

“… to the plan to change the Kona-waena school year from September to June to December to September, allowing school children to assist in the coffee harvest during the months of September, October, and November.”

“The action was taken to eliminate the so-called ‘coffee vacation’ which makes it necessary for students to make up the time lost by attending school during the Thanksgiving holiday period and for five Saturdays after the first of February.”

“Much opposition had developed to the coffee vacation and the new proposal was suggested as a means of adapting the school year to the needs of industry in the Kona district.” (Hawaii Tribune Herald, Nov 23. 1931)

The Star Bulletin announced “Change in Vacation Time at Kona-Waena … With the approval of the new vacation schedule for the Kona-waena high school and grammar school in Kona by the West Hawaii commissioners, the annual vacation will be shifted from summer to winter.” (SB, Feb 13, 1932)

“)B)ecause of the need of the farmers to have their children help them on the farms, the coffee schedule was established. And the coffee schedule ran from … August, September, October, November – those three months – was the regular vacation – coffee vacation. This is the time when it was coffee season, you see?” (Minoru Inaba)

“(T)he summer vacation was really a fall vacation and started around the 16th of August and went through to about the 16th of November. So, that took most of the football season. The community associations didn’t get into football, because that would have only hurt the reason for the schedule as it was.”

“It would take kids away from picking coffee and helping their families. I think eventually, though, these kids found other things to do – possibly (because of) family transportation. Kids found other things to do a lot better than picking coffee.” (Sherwood Greenwell)

“You see, how they got that, you have to have the school kids pick coffee, eh? That’s the only way they can help the parents, by picking coffee. So, if you stay home from school, you lose that much education. I guess they entered a resolution or whatever you call it. Anyway, they got their school to change the time … that’s when you’re picking coffee.”

“We [normally] go back September. … the peak season is right when the school go back. So, they change it so that they have their Kona schedule on a coffee harvest time. Well, it worked out all right like that.” (Willie Thompson)

“(I)n the earlier days, on off season, the time before harvesting and after trimming, there weren’t job opportunities for the farmers. There was a criticism – probably doesn’t hold as much today because there’re not as many schoolteachers that are in the coffee business – but a lot of the schoolteachers that came back here, came back here because they had coffee farms – their

families had coffee farms.”

“Well, the coffee schedule really ended because the families could no longer get the kids to come back and spend the time on the farms to pick coffee, which the coffee schedule was supposed to take care of.”

“But those teachers that had coffee farms were more concerned about their coffee operations really than they were on their teaching. The teaching gave them the security of a steady income, while the coffee income was what they were really concerned about.” (Sherwood Greenwell)

“There were probably five or six years of where there was a question, (should) the coffee schedule be continued or (should) they give it up? This became quite a hassle. It was kept, I think, longer than it was practical.”

“Probably for one reason more than anything else, and that was that a lot of the farmers felt that it was a concession that they had somehow gotten that was very important to them. Not that it was that worthwhile to them, but it was a concession that government had given them and they wanted it sort of there, even though it wasn’t working out as well as it should.”

“So, I think that probably extended the [time]. And it also – you got a feeling from the attitude of some people that if you were for going back to the regular schedule, that you were an enemy to coffee.”

“This was a feeling, I think, that a lot of people had who would like to have seen the thing [coffee schedule] dropped. It took some time and some guts for most of the people to overcome that feeling. So, I think it did continue longer than it should have.”

“I think it would have been better for the kids and everybody that it would be over with sooner. Kids going into college off the Kona schedule, college almost had started before they graduated, and I don’t think it helped that type of education – you know, ongoing education – for the kids.” (Sherwood Greenwell)

Kona was not the only place with crop-based vacations … “(O)ne year, we were cutting back across the states, and there was a kid in Idaho fishing at a stream where we were fishing. We asked him how come he wasn’t in school. He said, ‘oh, spud vacation’. What they did was, school was let out at the height of the potato harvesting season for two weeks.”

“Something like that probably would have been a better way of doing it. Going on the regular schedule and then just having a vacation tied right into the harvesting period.” (Sherwood Greenwell)

“Then, the coffee kind of faded out. All the new teachers, they didn’t like teaching when all the other teachers have a rest, and they working. Then, they changed back to the regular. Then, the weather kind of changed too. Not much coffee. The season kind of different, too. So, that’s how they got the schools like that … about in the ’60s, they changed back to the regular schedule.” (Willie Thompson)

“I think, at the beginning, there was a real reason for it and I think it worked out very well. I think it strengthened the ties within the family where they all were working together for something.”

“I know it’s been said at times, if you had someone applying for a job that came from Kona, he was a good worker. He had good loyalty and he was a good worker. I think that all comes from that period where everybody in the family worked hard together.” (Sherwood Greenwell)

In 1932, the school coffee schedule was inaugurated. There are 1,077 coffee farms in Kona, covering 5,498 acres. The farms ranged in size from 3 to 30 acres, with the average size being 5 acres.

Kona students picked a total of 25,320 bags during their “summer” vacation period between October and December in 1932. (Social History of Kona)

On June 20, 1968, “The Kona coffee schedule of November – to – August year for Kona schools was ended … in a complicated series of actions by the State Board of Education. The board thus ended a 36-year-old unique tradition devised to free youngsters to pick coffee during the harvest months of September and October.”

A transition year in 1968-69 was “a temporary measure to provide time to plan for implementing an entirely new system in the 1969-70 school year.” (SB, June 21, 1968)

March 22, 2023 by Peter T Young Leave a Comment

Keahuolū

The area of North Kona between Kailua Bay and Keauhou Bay to the south is generally recognized as containing the population core and the most fertile agricultural area of North Kona (Kona Kai ʻOpua “Kona of the distant horizon clouds above the ocean”.) (Maly)

To the north of Kailua Bay, beginning at Honokōhau, is the relatively dry Kekaha district of North Kona, with its barren lava inlands and coastal fishponds (Kekaha-wai-ʻole-nā-Kona (the waterless place of Kona, it’s described as “a dry, sun-baked land.”)

Keahuolū is situated in the transition zone between these two contrasting environmental districts, and is immediately north of Kailua Bay, a center of both political and economic activities since before Western contact.

Keahuolū has been translated in a couple ways, “Ke-ahu-o-Lū” (the ahu (or alter) of Lū) and “Keʻohuʻolu” (the refreshing mists) – similar to the neighboring (to the south) Lanihau ahupuaʻa (cool heaven.)

A hill at Keahuolū and adjoining Kealakehe (to the north) is associated with mists. “The settling of mists upon Puʻu O Kaloa was a sign of pending rains; thus the traditional farmers of this area would prepare their fields.” (This notes the importance of rain in this relatively dry area.) (Cultural Surveys)

Several general settlement pattern models have been generated by researchers that generally divide up the region into five basic environmental zones: the Shoreline, Kula, Kaluʻulu, ʻApaʻa and ʻAmaʻu.

Habitation was concentrated along the shoreline and lowland slopes, and informal fields were probably situated in the Kula and higher elevations, areas with higher rainfall.

The Shoreline zone extends, typically, from the high-tide line inland a few hundred feet. In Kailua this is the area from the shore to approximately Aliʻi Drive. In this zone, permanent settlement began in Kona c. AD 1000-1200.

Several large and densely populated royal centers were situated at several locations along the shoreline between Kailua and Honaunau.

Several heiau were noted along the coast. Stokes described three coastal heiau sites in Keahuolū: Halepuʻa, Kawaluna and Palihiolo. Halepuʻa was described by Stokes as a koʻa, or fishing shrine, near the shore in a coconut grove.

Kawaluna Heiau was described by Stokes as a rebuilt enclosure located on the beach at Pāwai Bay. Heiau of Palihiolo was at or near the Keahuolū/Lanihau boundary, King Kalākaua had it rebuilt prior to his departure from Hawaiʻi. (Rosendahl)

The Kula zone (the plain or open country) consisted primarily of dry and open land with few trees and considerable grass cover.

With limited soil, and lots of rock, this land was planted primarily in scattered sweet potato patches. (This area was around the 500-foot elevation mark, and may extend further, to approximately the 600-800-foot elevation.)

The Kaluʻulu is zone is referred to as the breadfruit zone. Early explorers described this zone as breadfruit with sweet potatoes and wauke (paper mulberry) underneath; it may have been perhaps one-half mile wide. Here walled fields occur at the 600-800-foot elevation, which may be start of this breadfruit zone in this area.

The ʻApaʻa zone is described as a dryland taro and sweet potato zone (1,000-foot elevation and extended to the 2,500-foot elevation.) In historic accounts it is described as an area divided by low stone and earth walls into cleared rectangular fields in which sweet potato and dryland taro were planted. On the edges of the walls, sugarcane and ti were planted.

The ʻAmaʻu zone is the banana zone, which may extend from the 2,000-foot elevation to 3,000-feet, and is characterized by bananas and plantains being grown in cleared forest areas. (Rosendahl)

William Ellis (1822) noted, “The houses which are neat, are generally erected on the sea-shore, shaded with cocoanut and kou trees, which greatly enliven the scene.”

“The environs were cultivated to a considerable extent; small gardens were seen among the barren rocks on which the houses are built, wherever soil could be found sufficient to nourish the sweet potato, the watermelon, or even a few plants of tobacco, and in many places these seemed to be growing literally in the fragments of lava, collected in small heaps around their roots.”

King Kalākaua later (1869) noted, “Keahuolu runs clear up to the mountains and includes a portion of nearly half of Hualalai mountains. On the mountains the koa, kukui and ohia abounds in vast quantities. The upper land or inland is arable, and suitable for growing coffee, oranges, taro, potatoes, bananas &c.”

” Breadfruit trees grow wild as well as Koli (castor-oil) oil seed. The lower land is adopted for grazing cattle, sheep, goats &c. The fishery is very extensive and a fine grove of cocoanut trees of about 200 to 300 grows on the beach.”

A sisal plantation was planted in Keahuolu in the late-1890s, a mill was constructed nearby; sisal was used to make rope and other fibers. Operating until 1924, the McWayne sisal tract included about 1,000-acres of sisal fields in Keahuolu and adjoining Kealakehe. (You can still see sisal plants, remnants of the sisal plantation, as you drive up Palani Road.)

A fishing village with a canoe landing was at Pāwai Bay. Makaʻeo (later (July 10, 1949) developed into the Kailua Airport (commercial aviation ended there July 1, 1970)) had a large cocoanut grove, with a coastal trail running through it connecting Kailua Village to the Māmalahoa Trail.

The Kuakini Wall (1830-1844,) built to keep the free-ranging livestock out of the coastal settlements and gardens, extends from Kahaluʻu Bay to the southern portion of Keahuolu (with an average distance of about 1 ½ miles from the coastline.) It goes to, but not through, Keahuolū at its northern terminus.

The ahupuaʻa of Keahuolū was awarded to Analeʻa Keohokālole ((c. 1816-1869) mother of King Kalākaua and Queen Liliʻuokalani) during the Māhele of 1848. Two walled houselots in Keahuolū had been held by Keohokālole’s ancestors “from very ancient times”.

Keohokālole was a great-granddaughter of both Kameʻeiamoku and Keaweaheulu two of the important chiefs who supported Kamehameha I in his rise to power.

Kameʻeleihiwa states, “Keohokālole was regarded by the Kamehameha clan as an Aliʻi Nui in honor of the great courage and loyalty proffered by her ancestors in their support of Kamehameha.”

As Aliʻi Nui, Keohokālole held the fifth largest number of ʻāina after the Māhele with 50 parcels. She relinquished 48% of her original 96 ʻāina to the Mōʻī (King) retaining 23-parcels on Hawaiʻi, 25 on Maui and two on Oʻahu. Of her lands on the island of Hawaiʻi, two-thirds were located in the Kona District. (Wong-Smith)

Keohokālole sold portions of her 15,000-20,000-acre grant to the government and other parties, with the balance being transferred to her heir, Liliʻuokalani.

In her Deed of Trust dated December 2, 1909, which was later amended in 1911, Queen Lili‘uokalani entrusted her estate to provide for orphan and destitute children in the Hawaiian Islands, with preference for Hawaiian children. Her legacy is perpetuated through the Queen Liliʻuokalani Children’s Center.

February 19, 2023 by Peter T Young Leave a Comment

1871 Trail & Alahaka Ramp

“We walked a mile over a raised macadamized road of uniform width; a road paved with flat stones and exhibiting in its every detail a considerable degree of engineering skill.”

“The stones are worn and smooth, and pushed apart in places, so that the road has the exact appearance of those ancient paved highways leading out of Rome which one sees in pictures.” (Mark Twain, Sacramento Daily Union, September 22, 1866)

Although the canoe was a principal means of travel in ancient Hawai`i, extensive cross-country trail networks enabled gathering of food and water and harvesting of materials for shelter, clothing, medicine, religious observances and other necessities for survival.

Ancient trails, those developed before western contact in 1778, facilitated trading between upland and coastal villages and communications between ahupua‘a and extended families.

These trails were usually narrow, following the topography of the land. Sometimes, over ‘a‘ā lava, they were paved with water-worn stones.

Alahele (trails) and alaloa (regional thoroughfares) were an integral part of the cultural landscape of South Kona and all Hawai‘i. The alahele provided access for local and regional travel, subsistence activities, cultural and religious purposes, and for communication between extended families and communities. Trails were important features of the cultural landscape.

Historical accounts describe at least two primary trails of regional importance in the South Kona region. One trail crossed the makai (near shore) lands, linking coastal communities and resources together. The other major trail of this region is “Kealaʻehu” (The path of Ehu), which passes through the uplands (in the vicinity of the Mamalahoa Highway.) (Rechtman)

Until the 1840s, overland travel was predominantly by foot and followed the traditional trails. By the 1840s, the use of introduced horses, mules and bullocks for transportation was increasing, and many traditional trails – the ala loa and mauka-makai trails within ahupua‘a – were modified by removing the smooth stepping stones that caused the animals to slip.

Eventually, wider, straighter trails were constructed to accommodate horse drawn carts. Unlike the earlier trails, these later trails could not conform to the natural, sometimes steep, terrain.

It was probably Kuakini, Governor of Hawaiʻi Island from 1819 to 1844, who was very aggressive in building roads with prison labor and took the initiative in modifying trails for horse travel. This often involved throwing out the steppingstones and adding curbstones. (Curbstones enabled animals to follow a path without the rider’s constant guidance.) (NPS)

They often by-passed the traditional trails as more remote coastal villages became depopulated due to introduced diseases and the changing economic and social systems.

By the early-1850s, specific criteria were developed for realigning trails and roadways, including the straightening of alignments and development of causeways and bridges.

“The history of road making in this kingdom does not date far back. The first law that we find recorded was enacted in 1840, which as well as the laws of 1846 and 1850 gave to the Governors a general control of the roads, with power to make new roads and employ prisoners in their construction.”

“But no system of road making has ever been introduced, and the whole subject has been left to be executed as chance dictated. In 1852 road supervisors were made elective by the people, at the annual election in January. This change worked no improvement in the roads, as the road supervisors, in order to remain popular, required the least possible amount of labor, and in many districts an hour or two of work in the morning was considered as a compliance with the road law.”

“Under this law the road supervisors were pretty much to themselves, and though accountable to the Minister of the Interior, they considered favor of their constituents of more importance. This law was found productive of more evil than good, and during the last session of the legislature a new road law was passed, which goes in to force on the 1st of January 1857.”

“This new law gives to the Minister of the Interior the appointment of road supervisors throughout the Kingdom, who are subject to such general instructions (we suppose in regard to the construction of roads) as he may issue.” (Pacific Commercial Advertiser, September 25, 1856)

In 1871, a coastal trail that originally extended from Napoʻopoʻo south to Hoʻokena was repaired, and renamed the 1871 Trail. It is a section of the historic coastal Alaloa (regional trail) and was a primary route of travel between communities, royal centers, religious sites and resources. (It was improved as a ‘two-horse trail’ because it was widened to accommodate two horses.)

The Alahaka Ramp, located near the southern end of the Keanaeʻe Cliffs, is a massive stone ramp that ascends the pali from Keokea into Kiʻilae and connects the 1871 trail to Kiʻilae Village.

It is during this time that a series of large-scale government programs were initiated that focused on improvements to public resources, such as roadways.

It is one of the significant road construction events of this period. Prior to the construction of the ramp, folks used a ladder or rope to get up the slope. Alahaka ramp was built to allow horses to continue on the trail.

The 1871 Trail was used as part of a trade route in Hawaii. Having horses meant that people were able to transport more goods to trade, so it was very important that horses could navigate the trail.

In regards to the Alahaka Ramp, the first reference of a ‘constructed ramp’ is found in a letter to the Minister of the Interior dated February 4, 1868. In this letter, George Hardy, the road supervisor at the time, said:

“In South Kona, I have repaired (a very) bad place known by the name of Alahaka in the village of Kiʻilae, a place of great danger where several horses had been kill’d: and where people were in danger of going up and down. I have made it wide and a substantial road.” (NPS)

As noted in a December 31, 1897 letter, the Alahaka Ramp had fallen into a state of disrepair, when road supervisor TH Wright wrote: “Napoʻopoʻo to Hoʻokena beach road in a fearful condition, it needs repair of the worst kind. The Walahaka pali is very dangerous. This road is used every day for the convenience of the public, going and back to these places.” (NPS)

Wheeled vehicles did not enter Honaunau until 1918; travel in that area continuing to be by horses, mules and donkeys, as well as by foot. Although the area remained somewhat isolated due to the lack of a cart road, better trails continued to be built for mounted traffic.

In 1918 the trail section north of Honaunau was improved for wheeled traffic; however, the section south to Hoʻokena was never modified for motorized vehicles.

In 1951, a large earthquake caused an upper section of the ramp to slough off, which over the next ten years, continued to deteriorate. Twelve years later, the newly established National Park, conducted a rebuilding the entire makai (ocean-facing) side with steel rebar, mortar and stones.

A portion of the 1871 Trail, as well as the Alahaka Ramp are situated within the Puʻuhonua O Honaunau National Historical Park and is available to hike – from Honaunau to Hoʻokena. Two trailheads: at the National Historical Park or Hoʻokena Beach Park. (Round trip is about 6.5-miles.)