Hawaii | Page 406 | Images of Old Hawaiʻi

January 5, 2018 by Peter T Young Leave a Comment

Heathen School at Nantucket

“If there is a missionary ground on earth it is here (in Nantucket).” (Christian Herald and Seaman’s Magazine; April 6, 1822)

The headline ‘Heathen School at Nantucket’ in The Religious Intelligencer, May 4, 1822 would suggest the possibility of a second Foreign Mission School was in Nantucket (to the Foreign Mission School in Cornwall). It possibly served as a feeder to the Cornwall school.

It appears plausible, given Nantucket’s early American leadership in the Pacific whaling fleets following the first American whalers’ visit to Hawai‘i in 1819 (Edmund Gardner, captain of the New Bedford whaler Balaena (also called Balena,) and Elisha Folger, captain of the Nantucket whaler Equator).

Nantucket emerged as the world’s most vigorous whaling port in the colonies, with a substantial fleet dedicated exclusively to pelagic sperm and right whaling on distant grounds, and a highly developed network of merchants and mariners to prosecute the hunt. (Lebo)

Gardner, like other whalers “shipped two Kanakas from Maui and had them the remainder of the Voyage and took them to New Bedford.” (Gardner Journal)

Many Nantucket captains, returning home from their Pacific whaling voyages, also recounted their Hawaiian adventures. Some brought back objects of Hawaiian manufacture, as well as Native Hawaiian seamen. Other Native Hawaiians landed in Nantucket, New Bedford, and nearby ports almost immediately after.

There were more than three hundred Nantucket whaling voyages to Hawai‘i and the Native Hawaiian crewmen aboard. Thousands of Hawaiians shipped out as seamen aboard the whaling ships, so many that the crews were often half Hawaiian. (NPS)

Within a few years, over fifty “natives of the South Sea Islands” reportedly served aboard Nantucket whaleships. By the 1830s, Nantucket whalers employed about fourteen hundred seamen, including Native Hawaiians and Pacific Islanders. Four or five hundred men arrived or departed annually. (Nantucket Historical Association)

Whaling had been “an economic force of awesome proportions in these Islands for more than forty years,” enabling King Kamehameha III to finally pay off the national debts accumulated in earlier years. (NPS)

In part, it seems that some of the Islanders were also coming for Western education and were part of the enrollment in the First Congregational Church’s Sabbath School. (Nantucket Historical Association)

“Very little is known relative to the history of the first Congregational church and society in Nantucket, (anciently called Sherburne,) prior to the year 1761. The oldest church records that have been preserved, commence June 27th, of that year.”

“The original meeting-house was first located on a spot about a mile from the town in a northwesterly direction, and in 1765 it was moved into town and rebuilt.”

“It has since that period undergone various repairs and alterations, and in 1834 it was moved a few rods from the spot on which it was re-erected.”

“On that spot, called Beacon hill, now stands the new meeting-house built and dedicated in 1834. The old meeting-house has been fitted up in a commodious style, and is now used as a vestry for the church, and is also used for the Sabbath school.” (Deacon Paul Folger; American Quarterly Register, May 1843)

An unknown number of the Hawaiians attended local schools or temporarily resided in town with local families. In 1822, three of the “Heathen Youth” aboard an outbound whaler formerly attended the Sabbath School at the First Congregational Church.

That year, the Nantucket Inquirer reported “7 natives of the Sandwich Islands” at the school, while the Boston Recorder indicated “twenty Society or Sandwich Islanders” in attendance.

Two years later, Henry Attvoi (or Attooi) left for a whaling cruise aboard the Nantucket ship Oeno; he probably lived in the largely nonwhite section of town called New Guinea before his Oeno voyage began. (Nantucket Historical Association)

(The label “New Guinea” was used in numerous cities and towns to designate the section in which people of color resided.) (MuseumOfAfroAmericanHistory)

The Boston Reporter noted, Nantucket “has long been the resort of youth from pagan countries … there resided here twenty Society and Sandwich Islanders, who, on stated evenings when the sky was clear, assembled in the streets, erected the ensigns of idolatry, and in frantick orgies paid their worship to the host of heaven.”

“(A) kind of school has recently been instituted into which 15 natives of Owhyhee and other islands of the Pacific, have been received.”

“ Of these, 7 are still here are mostly between 14 and 17 years of age and generally remarkable for mildness of disposition, cleanliness of person, and symetry and activity of body.”

“They are anxious to learn, but as yet, ignorant of the true God and eternal life, and more or less addicted to idolatry. … Others have discovered emotion at religious truth.”

“Could one of the pious youth in Cornwall School be placed in our academy, he would enjoy the instruction of an able and devoted preceptor, late of the Theological Seminary in Andover, and perhaps render at his leisure as great service to his countrymen, as though he was stationed in Owhyhee.”

“We lamented to hear of the lack of means for the support of a greater number at Cornwall, since it has frustrated our hopes of introducing a very promising candidate from Chili, and another from the Sandwich Islands.”

“Such as might be given up by their master to receive an education, will if permitted to remain here, be sent to sea. Could they therefore be taken into the pious families of pious mechanics in the country, they might earn qualifications for future and extensive usefulness in connexion with some foreign mission.” (Boston Recorder copied in The Religious Intelligencer, May 4, 1822)

There appears to be some connection between the Nantucket and Cornwall schools, The Report of the 15th Annual Meeting of the ABCFM (Pecuniary Accounts, 1824) noted “Expenses of four youth from Cornwall; to Nantucket, and provisions and clothing for three of them, and their passage to the Sandwich Islands $183 55”.

By the 1840s, with Nantucket harbor no longer deep enough to handle newer, larger whaling ships, most of the vessels relocated to New Bedford, while most of the financiers and much of the money and good life stayed in Nantucket. (Lebo)

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January 4, 2018 by Peter T Young Leave a Comment

Kahuku

“It is not only by far the worst part of the Island, but as barren waste looking a country as can be conceived to exist … we could discern black Streaks coming from the Mountain even down to the Seaside.”

“But the s[outhern] neck seems to have undergone a total change from the Effect of Volcanoes, Earthquakes, etc … By the SE side were black honey comd rockds, near the s extremity were hummocks of a Conical Shape which appeared of a reddish brown rusty Colour, & we judged them tot consist of Ashes.”

“The s extremit, which projects out, has upon it rocks of the most Craggy appearance, lying very irregularly, & of most curious shapes, terminating in Sharp points; horrid & dismal as this part of the Isalnd appears …”

“… yet there are many Villages interspersed, & it Struck us as being more populous than the part of Opoona [Puna] which joins Koa [Ka‘ū+. There are houses built even on the ruins lava flows we have describ’d.”

“Fishing is a principal occupation with the Inhabitants, which they sold to us, & we also had a very plentiful supply of other food when off this end…”

“…those we saw off Kao [Ka`ū], are very tawny, thin, & smallmean looking people, which doubtless arises from their constant exposure to the heat of the Sun, their being mostly employed in fishing or other hard labor on shore, & to their spare diet.” (King’s Journal)

“Kahuku, a very large ahupua‘a which for many years has been a ranch, is just beyond the southwest shoulder of Mauna Loa.”

“Over these heights the moisture-laden trade winds, having traversed the wet uplands and forested interior of eastern Ka‘ū, Hilo, and Hāmākua Districts, spread a great roll of cool clouds.”

“These masses of cool water vapor expand and precipitate as rain when they meet the air that rises morning to evening from the ocean, warmed in its passage over the dry lower plains of Kahuku, Manuka, and neighboring Kona.”

“Warmed trade winds also blow in over the southeast coast and Ka Lae, crossing the high rolling plains of Kama‘oa and Pakini, there precipitating much moisture as dew where it meets the cooled air blanketing the uplands.”

“Actually, during the months of March through November, the blanket of cool moist air moving over the upland flank of Mauna Loa, and the warm damp flood of wind diverted inland and overland by the high plains of Kama‘oa and Pakini …”

“… are nothing more nor less than vast eddies of the great southeastward flow of arctic air, which is warmed as it passes over the ocean in these latitudes.”

“These we term the “trades” – the winds so named because the ‘traders’ (sailing vessels) utilized their regular flow from March through November in their voyages.”

“In the season of southerly (kona) cyclonic storms, the wind and rain came in upon western Ka‘ū from oceanward in more violent gusts, sometimes sweeping in with great force.”

“These kona storms originate in the equatorial regions, hence their warm winds are heavily laden with moisture.”

“Coming upon the cool uplands their heavy black clouds produce electric storms, with thunder and lightning, and downpours starting with light gentle rain (hilina), which gradually increase into deluges, at times veritable cloudbursts.”

“These winter storms drench the whole land, which, whether dry lava, grassland, or forest, soaks it up greedily, and in the uplands stores it beneath the forests.”

“Continuing our journey into Ka‘ū, going southeastward, the next ahupua‘a after Manuka is Kahuku. Until the land was covered by lava through much of the verdant lower forest area in the last century, this must have been a far more favorable area for human occupation than was Manuka.”

“The evidence of such occupation have, however, been obliterated. Where lava has not covered the land, the pastures of Kahuku Ranch have done so. The seacoast of Kahuku is a barren as any on this side of Hawaii.”

“Standing on top of a hillock named Pu‘u Lohena on the east of Pakini and looking north across the 1868 flow, one can see beyond lava-covered land to where there was an open sandy area of Ka’iliki’i between two sections of the 1868 flows.”

“Ka‘iliki‘i was in 1823 described by Ellis as ‘a populous shore village’” The open ground led directly north toward Kahuku from the beach at Ka‘iliki‘i, where travelers from Kona often landed. “

“We could see how their path would have crossed an older flow that was there before the 1868 flow, as they headed for a break in the pali. This is a low dip in the ridge called Lua Puali.”

“In its lower reaches Kahuku is said formerly to have had flourishing gardens of sweet potato and sugar cane on the land now covered with lava.”

“If so, and we have no reason to doubt the veracity of informants, there must have been underground water here. Surface verdure, also, may have drawn more cloud and dew.”

“There probably was more rain coming across from Pakini when the plains east of the Pali-Mamalu and Pali Kulani (the great cliff that borders Kahuku on the east) were more verdant and covered with brush.”

“The bare lava of the recent flows, and the now dry plains of Pakini, Kama‘oa, and Ka‘alu‘alu must desiccate the winds which, sweeping along the coast line, normally throw up a cloud of cooled air that is moisture laden when the trade winds blow.”

“There is no similar drift of moisture over the naked shores of Kahuku and Manuka. Yet these coasts, barren as they are today, must have sufficed as good fishing grounds for the population settled in the two western ahupua‘a of Ka‘ū.”

“Wai-o-‘Ahu-kini close by, with its spring, pond and canoe haven, and the best fishing ground in all Hawaii, was awarded in the ancient land allotment to Pakini, then one of the most verdant of the plains areas of cultivation.”

“Doubtless it was Pakini’s numerous population, which gave its ali‘i power, that was responsible for this award.” (Handy, Handy & Pukui)

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Kahuku GoogleEarth

January 3, 2018 by Peter T Young Leave a Comment

Shoreline Certification Process

Shorelines are “certified” for County setback purposes. Local building and planning departments require that improvements are not placed too close to the coast, so setbacks from the certified shoreline are imposed on improvements.

Certified shorelines do not determine ownership; they serve as reference points in determining where improvements may be placed on a waterfront property.

The intent of shoreline setbacks include:

Protect coastal structures
Maintain access to and along the shoreline
Allow for natural beach/coastal processes
Maintain open space and view planes to, from and along the shoreline

“Shoreline” means the upper reaches of the wash of the waves, other than storm and seismic waves, at high tide during the season of the year in which the highest wash of the waves occurs, usually evidenced by the edge of vegetation growth or the upper limit of debris left by the wash of the waves. (HRS §205A-1)

To certify a shoreline, typically, a coastal property owner will hire a private surveyor to prepare a survey map and provide photos of the shoreline area of the property. The State land surveyor then reviews the map, photographs and other appropriate documents.

When I was at DLNR, we started the practice of having someone from DLNR’s Office of Conservation and Coastal Lands assist in shoreline site inspections. Through a partnership with DAGS and UH SeaGrant, we had a SeaGrant agent staged in the OCCL office who conducted shoreline inspections.

When the State surveyor is satisfied with the location of the shoreline, after reviewing the public comments, the maps and photos prepared by the private surveyor and site inspection, he will forward the shoreline maps to the Chairperson of DLNR, for final review and approval.

A notice is posted through OEQC (Environmental Notice) telling the public of the proposed shoreline certification – members of the public have 15-days to appeal the certification.

As Chairperson of the Land Board, I signed the map and certified the shoreline of the coastal property. The certification is valid for only 12-months. (Shorelines can change over time, due to natural coastal processes, so certifications are effective for a limited time.)

Remember, the State does not rely on the “certification” line as the property’s “boundary” line.

When property boundaries and ownership are at issue, the State of Hawai’i does not rely on shoreline certifications, but instead takes a more rigorous approach to locating the property’s seaward boundary.

The State has the responsibility to protect and preserve the State’s (the public’s) interest in its property. It vigorously defends ownership and these rights on behalf of the people of the State of Hawai’i.

When shorefront property owners bring quiet title actions (lawsuits seeking the court’s determination of ownership,) the State enters the action to preserve all of its rights and title to its coastal property.

In all such cases, the State Surveyor will conduct an actual on-site survey of the boundary line and not rely on certified shorelines or surveys done by private surveyors.

Ultimately, in title actions, the court decides ownership of the property and the boundary line dividing ownership between private and public lands.

State law says that the right of access to Hawaii’s shorelines includes the right of transit along the shorelines; the public right of transit along the shoreline exists below the private property line.

Some people inadvertently (and, unfortunately, some covertly) do things in the shoreline area without a permit; permits are required for work in this area. A prior owner may have done something, but the liability and responsibility to correct it ends up with the present owner.

Some of our consulting work has included helping people correct (eliminate and/or subsequently permit) encroachments (walls, rocks, docks, vegetation, etc) beyond the shoreline and private property owner’s boundary line.

The photo shows possible issues with seawalls; other issues of concern are the obvious purposeful-placement of rocks within the wash of the waves – vegetation encroaching beyond a property line is a related concern. Each of these requires a permit.

We feel strongly that it is important to correct past errors, not ignore them (even if they were pre-existing when an owner bought the property.) Likewise, people should get a permit for any work near the shoreline area.

We are willing to work people through the process of getting a permit to do something new or to correct prior mistakes. If you think we can be of help, please give us a call.

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January 2, 2018 by Peter T Young Leave a Comment

Going Green

ʻŌmaʻomaʻo means green.

Mānoa Valley was a favored spot of the Ali‘i, including Kamehameha I, Chief Boki (Governor of O‘ahu), Haʻalilio (an advisor to King Kamehameha III,) Princess Victoria, Kanaʻina (father of King Lunalilo), Lunalilo, Keʻelikōlani (half-sister of Kamehameha IV) and Queen Lili‘uokalani. The chiefs lived on the west side, the maka‘āinana (commoners) on the east.

Queen Kaʻahumanu lived there; her home was called Pukaʻōmaʻomaʻo (Green Gateway) was situated deep in the valley (lit., green opening; referring to its green painted doors and blinds – It is alternatively referred to as Pukaʻōmaʻo.)

“Her residence is beautifully situated and the selection of the spot quite in taste. The house … stands on the height of a gently swelling knoll, commanding, in front, an open and extensive view of all the rich plantations of the valley …”

“… of the mountain streams meandering through them … of the district of Waititi; and of Diamond Hill, and a considerable part of the plain, with the ocean far beyond.” (Stewart; Sterling & Summers)

It was doubtless the same sort of grass house which was in general use, although probably more spacious and elaborate as befitted a queen. The dimension in one direction was 60 feet. The place name of the area was known as Kahoiwai, or “Returning Waters.”

“Immediately behind the house, and partially flanking it on either side, is a delightful grove of the dark leaved and crimson blossomed ʻŌhia, so thick and so shady … filled with cool and retired walks and natural retreats, and echoing to the cheerful notes of the little songsters, who find security in its shades to build their nests and lay their young.”

“The view of the head of the valley inland, from the clumps and single trees edging this copse, is very rich and beautiful; presenting a circuit of two or three miles delightfully variegated by hill and dale, wood and lawn, and enclosed in a sweep of splendid mountains, one of which in the centre rises to a height of three thousand feet.”

“In one edge of this grove, a few rods from the house, stands a little cottage built by Kaahumanu, for the accommodation of the missionaries who visit her when at this residence. …”

“(It) is very frequently occupied a day or two at a time, by one and another of the families most enervated by the heat and dust, the toil, and various exhausting cares of the establishment at the sea-shore.“ (Stewart; Sterling & Summers)

“Not far makai … High Chief Kalanimōku, had very early allotted to the Mission the use of farm plots thus noted in its journal of June, 1823: “On Monday the 2d, Krimakoo and the king’s mother granted to the brethren three small pieces of land cultivated …”

“… with taro, potatoes, bananas, melons, &c. and containing nineteen bread-fruit trees, from which they may derive no small portion of the fruit and vegetables needed by the family.” (Damon)

Then, in mid-1832, Kaʻahumanu became ill and was taken to her house in Mānoa, where a bed of maile and leaves of ginger was prepared. “Her strength failed daily. She was gentle as a lamb, and treated her attendants with great tenderness. She would say to her waiting women, ‘Do sit down; you are very tired; I make you weary.’” (Bingham)

“The king, his sister, other members of the aliʻi and many retainers had already arrived at Pukaomaomao and had dressed the large grass house for the dying queen’s last homecoming. The walls of the main room had been hung with ropes of sweet maile and decorated with lehua blossoms and great stalks of fragrant mountain ginger.”

“The couch upon which Kaahumanu was to rest had been prepared with loving care. Spread first with sweet-scented maile and ginger leaves, it was then covered with a golden velvet coverlet. At the head and foot stood towering leather kahilis. Over a chair nearby was draped the Kamehameha feather cloak which had been worn by Kaahumanu since the monarch’s death.” (Mellon; Sterling & Summers)

“The slow and solemn tolling of the bell struck on the pained ear as it had never done before in the Sandwich Islands. In other bereavements, after the Gospel took effect, we had not only had the care and promise of our heavenly Father, but a queen-mother remaining, whose force, integrity, and kindness, could be relied on still.”

“But words can but feebly express the emotions that struggled in the bosoms of some who counted themselves mourners in those solemn hours; while memory glanced back through her most singular history, and faith followed her course onward, far into the future.” (Hiram Bingham)

Her death took place at ten minutes past 3 o’clock on the morning of June 5, 1832, “after an illness of about 3 weeks in which she exhibited her unabated attachment to the Christian teachers and reliance on Christ, her Saviour.” (Hiram Bingham)

There is another reference related to Ka‘ahumanu and the color green … “She, and some others, much wish to have bonnets – this is a pleasant circumstance to us. The inquiry has sometimes been made, in our letters, what could be sent as presents that would please these waihines.”

“Indeed, I have hinted to the queen, that perhaps some of the good ladies in America since she was attending to the palapala, would probably send her one.”

“Considering that, I would here request, that if it could easily be done, one, at least, might be sent by an early conveyance. As soon as I can have a green one, I shall present mine where I think it will do the most good”. (Sybil Bingham Journal, October 4, 1822)

It’s not clear if there is a direct association with Ka‘ahumanu and any preference for the color green – if so, then these references are interesting coincidences.

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Reportedly-Kanaʻina was kāhili bearer and attendant to Ka’ahumanu

December 30, 2017 by Peter T Young Leave a Comment

Hale Mua

Fishing, the making of fishing gear and canoes, the care and housing of canoes and fishing gear, fighting, and the making of weapons were essentially men’s activities (although there are accounts of famous women warriors).

Every aspect of taro economy and culture was man’s work; the making and tending of fields and irrigated terraces and irrigation ditches, planting, cultivating and harvesting taro, steaming it in the ground oven, peeling it, and pounding the steamed corms to make poi for the womenfolk, as well as for men and boys.

The erection of every kind of house and shed was man’s work. For most family rituals the male head of the family functioned as family priest, just as in the greater rituals of community and state the professional priests were men. (Handy & Pukui)

Kauhale means homestead, and when there were a number of kauhale close together the same term was used. The old Hawaiians had no conception of village or town as a corporate social entity; there was no term for village.

The kauhale were scattered near streams in valley bottoms; each family kauhale was right beside its lo’i. A spring (or springs) was sometimes the reason for a village-like conglomeration of homesteads – again, families focused on the water source.

Traditional hale (‘house’, ‘building’) were constructed of native woods lashed together with cordage most often made from olonā. Pili grass was a preferred thatching that added a pleasant odor to a new hale. Lauhala (pandanus leaves) or ti leaf bundles called peʻa were other covering materials used.

Unlike our housing today, the single ‘hale’ was not necessarily the ‘home.’ The traditional Hawaiian home was the kauhale (Lit., plural house;) this was a group of structures forming the living compound – homestead – with each building serving a specific purpose.

The main structure within the kauhale household complex was the common house, or hale noa, in which all the family members slept at night. It was the largest building within a family compound and the most weatherproof. (Loubser)

Other structures included hale mua (men’s meeting/eating house,) hale ʻāina (women’s eating house,) hale peʻa (menstruation house) and other needed structures (those for canoe makers, others used to house fishing gear, etc.)

The terrain and the subsistence lifestyle and economy created the dispersed community of scattered homesteads. Typically, a Hawaiian family’s homestead stood in relative isolation.

‘At the age of 3 or 4, (a high ranking male child) was placed in the mua and his eating made kapu (or taboo) …’ Non-elite male children were also consecrated in hale mua after birth. (Dixon)

Archaeological investigations conducted on hale mua have identified evidence of presumed male food consumption (bones from pig and some large pelagic fish, species taboo to women) and male domestic activities (stone tool making).

The daily implementation of the kapu in non-elite Hawaiian family life was presumably more complex, as were gender specific activities such as tool making. (Dixon) Near it was the imu or oven in which the men cooked their food.

The mua or menʻs eating house was a sacred place from which women were excluded. It was the place where the men and older boys ate their meals and where the head of the family offered the daily offerings of ʻawa to the family ʻaumakua. Here men and family gods ate together; women, were not allowed to enter here.

The daily offering was never omitted and if the head of the family was unable to perform his duty, he appointed some one to do it. The prayers were for the welfare of the ruling chief and for the family itself.

When a serious problem arose, such as a new venture to be attempted or sickness in the family, the head of the family slept in the Mua, where the family gods would give him directions as to what to do.

Thus the Mua served both as a place for the men to eat and a meeting place with the family gods. At one end of the mua was an altar (kuahu) dedicated to the family ʻaumakua whose effigies stood there.

Here the head of the household prayed and performed necessary rites sometimes without, sometimes with the aid of a kahuna pule, when came the time for the rites of the life cycle such as birth, cutting the foreskin, sickness and death. (Handy & Pukui)

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