Peter T Young

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October 14, 2015 by Peter T Young 3 Comments

Wahiawā Hotel

“An instance of community enterprise truly admirable is being exhibited by the Wahiawā Settlement Association in the erection of a hotel in that Salubrious village.”

“As shown in the list of building permits in this paper the other day, the building is estimated to cost $3,650, and the plans have been prepared by Emory & Webb, architects. Its location is 300 feet from the railway station.” (Star Bulletin, January 21, 1913)

Let’s look back …

In 1897, Californian, Byron Clark, became the Hawaiian Republic’s commissioner of agriculture. In looking for land for him to settle on, he learned of the availability of land at Wahiawā.

Clark organized a group of other Californians (as well as others) to join him in settling the whole tract of thirteen hundred acres — which became known as the Wahiawā Colony Tract. Having formed an agricultural cooperative called the Hawaiian Fruit and Plant Company, the homesteaders began formalizing and refining the physical organization of their Wahiawā settlement.

Initially each settler lived in a house on his five-acre parcel in the town site and farmed his other land in the surrounding area. It was soon discovered, however, that each settler preferred to reside on his own farmstead, holding his town lot in reserve. The homesteaders abandoned the village plan and agreed that one man, Thomas Holloway, would live on their 145-acre central lot site.

On August 27, 1902 a trust deed, referred to as the Holloway Trust, formally set aside the central town lots for the use and benefit of the Settlement Association of Wahiawā resident landowners.

Within a few years, Wahiawā Town was underway. Some of the town’s streets would be named for the early homesteaders – including Clark, Kellogg, Thomas and Eames streets (initial mapping shows California Avenue as the first, and main, road.)

Back to the hotel … “This hotel scheme was taken up by the association as the best way to expend a snug balance in the settlement funds, as well as to utilize the hall that had been erected for community gatherings.”

“Originally the structure was used for a schoolhouse, but ultimately the government provided a school building for itself. Besides erecting the hotel, the association is going to provide Uncle Sam with a post office building.”

“There are two buildings in the establishment as planned, the main building to be an auxiliary cottage the old assembly hall reconstructed. In the main building there will be six bedrooms, a parlor and a dining room, the last being utilizable also as a living room.”

“The remodelled cottage will have four bedrooms. A veranda ten feet wide will extend along the four sides of the main building. The bedrooms are of good size, the four on the ground floor of the main building being 12 by 13 feet. There is a gable outlook on every side of the house, each commanding beautiful scenery.”

“Each house is equipped with all needed conveniences, including linen closets. Guests will have pure water from the clouds, a large tank for rain water being provided. This is exclusively for drinking purposes as for other uses the hotel will be connected with the piped mountain water system of the settlement.” (Star Bulletin, January 21, 1913)

At the corner of Lehua Street and California Avenue stood the old Wahiawā Hotel. The “cottages,” as the hotel was referred to, was operated by Mary Johnson until World War II, when it was formally taken over by the Army for nurses’ quarters.

The start of World War II further helped to accelerate developments within Wahiawā to accommodate the needs of the growing military population. Wahiawā Elementary School on Lehua Street soon closed their doors in the 1940s to become the new Wahiawa General Hospital.

The Office of Civil Defense established a 42-bed wartime medical facility in the wood frame buildings formerly housing Wahiawā Elementary School.

At the end of World War II, the facility continued to remain in operation under the leaders of the Wahiawā Hospital Association. The 72-bed acute care facility was dedicated in 1958, under the official name, Wahiawā General Hospital. (Cultural Surveys)

Post World War II, the old Wahiawā Hotel had been used as living quarters for area school teachers. By the 1960s, Wahiawa teachers, who had been quartered at the teachers’ cottages (as they referred to them), were forced to relocate as plans for the new Wahiawa Branch Library were in the making. (Cultural Surveys)

Wahiawā Hotel was demolished in the 1960s to accommodate construction for the new Wahiawā Library. The library opened its doors on July 19, 1965. The library continues to remain in operation today. (Cultural Surveys)

Wahiawa_Hotel-(CulturalSurveys)

October 13, 2015 by Peter T Young Leave a Comment

People’s Theatre

A century after Captain James Cook’s arrival in Hawaiʻi, sugar plantations started to dominate the Hawaiian landscape. A shortage of laborers to work in the growing (in size and number) sugar plantations became a challenge. The only answer was imported labor.

Starting in the 1850s, labor shortages were eased by bringing in contract workers from Asia, Europe and North America. There were three big waves of workforce immigration: Chinese 1852; Japanese 1885 and Filipinos 1905.

Several smaller, but substantial, migrations also occurred: Portuguese 1877; Norwegians 1880; Germans 1881; Puerto Ricans 1900; Koreans 1902 and Spanish 1907.

Plantation labor contracts were usually of three to five year lengths, after which the laborer could return to the homeland, continue to work for the plantations (much desired by the plantation management,) or remain in Hawaiʻi and look for improved employment opportunities off the plantation (least desired by plantation management.)

Individuals found in the towns by 1900 were generally of four employment backgrounds: a small merchant class, skilled works (such as carpenters, blacksmiths, livery personnel) who had performed these functions on the plantations, those with previous homeland farming experience and unskilled laborers.

At Honokaʻa, the original village had developed along a portion of the coastal Government Road above the Haina sugar mill, near the fork between the Waimea and Kukuihaele Roads, and close to the Rickard residence (plantation manager’s house.)

By 1914, the town had a significant Japanese retail contingent, mostly on the Waipiʻo side of town. The increase in population, ingress into town, combined with the advent of Prohibition in 1920, set the stage for new forms of recreation.

Previously, entertainment in the town had been geared toward single men, drummers (traveling salesmen) and plantation workers in the form of the Hotel Honokaʻa Club, other ethnic clubs, bars, and pool and billiard halls.

Family entertainment consisted of shibai and bon dances at the local Hongwanji Buddhist temple, as well as movies screened in open-air venues by traveling “movie men.” The word shibai was introduced into the common local vocabulary of Hawaiʻi by way of Japanese immigrants and literally translates as “a play” or “a dramatic performance.”

The initial venues consisted of live entertainment rather than films. Live entertainment consisted of troupes of acrobats, kabuki (classical Japanese dance-drama), shibai, singing and storytelling.

The late 1920s through the 1930s marked a period of growth in the construction of indoor theater venues. Between the 1840s and 1970, over 400 theaters were constructed in the Hawaiian Islands.

Literally every town on Hawaiʻi Island, large and small, had at least one theater. They were built primarily by Japanese and Euro-American entrepreneurs, and others financed by the plantations. The first documented theater was erected at Pāhoa in Puna in 1917.

The first Honokaʻa Theatre (now known as the “Old Tanimoto Theater”) opened in 1921 on the mauka side of Government Road (Māmane Street). This theater was operated by Manki Harunaga and his partner J. Fujino in a warehouse-like structure.

Hatsuzo Tanimoto was born about 1864 in Japan and immigrated to Honomū, Hawaiʻi in 1887. He and his wife, Momi Yamamoto, arrived in the Islands on the SS Belgic in 1891.

The family then resided in Honomū, where Hatsuzo was the “proprietor” of a department store. Hatsuzo spoke English though Momi did not. The Tanimoto’s had 8 children; two daughters and six sons. In birth order they were Yoshio (son), Zenichi (son), Shizuno (daughter), Jitsusaburo (son), Yoshimi (son), Teruo (son), Takaichi (son), and Yoshino (daughter) (all born in Hawaiʻi.)

In 1929, Hatsuzo Tanimoto purchased the lot of the present People’s Theatre from the estate of former Hawai’i Island Royal Governor John T Bake.

In 1932 Hatsuzo Tanimoto purchased three lots, including the lot with the Honokaʻa Theatre. The $700 sale included “all machinery, equipment, furniture and fixtures…in the said Honokaʻa Theatre.” He continued the lease until 1934. Hatsuzo eventually closed this theater and leased the space to other businesses.

Tanimoto followed the fashion of the day by constructing a building specifically designed to show films as well as present live entertainment. The lot is located on the makai side of Māmane Street extending just Waipi’o side of the Bank of Hawaii lot.

In 1938, Hatsuzo Tanimoto purchased another lot on the makai side of the road, Waipi’o side of the People’s Theatre Unlike the People’s Theatre, Hatsuzo placed this property under his Hilo Theatres, Ltd., company.

This second Honokaʻa Theatre was constructed in 1939. Although it sported a neon “Honokaʻa Theatre” sign, it was best known as the “Doc Hill Theater”, named after an influential local politician who had arrived in Hawaiʻi years before as a spectacles salesmen who adopted the moniker “Doc”.

The “Doc Hill Theatre” was also informally called the “Republican Theatre,” as opposed to the People’s Theatre (which served as the “Democratic Theatre.”)

By 1939 Tanimoto had opened five theatres along the Hāmākua Coast, including Honomū, Hāmākua (at Paʻauilo) and Papaʻaloa.

Their presence was a testament to the rise of alternative entertainment during the Prohibition era, when bars, restaurants and other watering holes were forced to close or go underground.

Japanese films were shown on Mondays (average attendance 30 people), with Filipino films shown on Tuesdays (average attendance 15-20 people), and X-rated films shown on Wednesdays (average attendance 15 to 20). Thursday and the weekends were reserved for family entertainment (average attendance 50 to 60 people per night).

The 650-seat People’s Theatre is one of the largest buildings in Honokaʻa, and its only operating theater. Built in 1930 by Hatsuzo Tanimoto, its Neo-Classical Revival style architecture is typical of theaters built during the 1920s and ‘30s in Hawaii.

In 1943, William “Doc” Hill bought Hilo Theaters Ltd., with the exception of the People’s Theatre. The rest of these theaters have been either torn down, closed, or repurposed, making the People’s Theatre the only one left between Waimea and Hilo, and the largest outside Hilo.

Today, stage entertainment includes local musical groups, yoga and tai chi, the annual Hāmākua Music Festival, and a fashion show on 1st Fridays (a community street fair held the first Friday of every month).

The Tanimoto family ran the theater until 1990. Today, the theater is owned and run by retired doctor Tawn Keeney and his daughter Phaeton.

The theater lobby sports a café serving healthy breakfasts, sandwiches and sweets along with locally grown, artisanal Hāmākua coffee, and these days new-releases are shown with a modern digital projection system. Wi-Fi equipped, the lobby and café is still a meeting place for the town’s 3,000 residents and visitors to Honokaʻa. (Lots of information here is from NPS and Honokaʻa Historical Project)

Honokaa-Peoples-Theatre-ca 1930

Honokaa-Peoples-Theatre-ca 1944

Honokaa-Peoples-Theatre-ca 1980s

Honokaa-Peoples_Theatre

Honokaa_Peoples-Theatre

Honokaa_Peoples_Theatre

Honokaa Peoples Theatre

October 12, 2015 by Peter T Young Leave a Comment

Molokini

“Uluhina then was called upon,
The navel of the little one was cut,
The afterbirth of the child that was thrown
Into the folds of the rolling surf;
The froth of the heaving sea,
Then was found the loin cloth for the child.
Molokini the island
Is the navel string,
The island is a navel string.” (Fornander)

When Walinuu gave birth to Kahoolawe, Uluhina was called upon to come and cut the navel of the child Kahoolawe, and when he came and had cut the navel he took the placenta and girt it on as a loin cloth.

He then threw it into the sea and Molokini arose formed from the afterbirth of Kahoolawe and the loin cloth of Uluhina, the very name Molokini being a contraction of the words malo and Uluhina. (Fornander)

Molokini erupted about 230,000 years ago (90,000+/-;) it’s a tiny, crescent-shaped island in the ‘Alalakeiki Channel, 3-miles offshore of Haleakala volcano, East Maui.

The volcanic cone rises about 500-feet from the submarine flank of Haleakala to a summit of only 162-feet above sea level. The cone is capped by a 1770-foot crater, although the northern rim is below sea level and the crater is flooded by the sea.

Molokini is similar to cinder cones elsewhere along the southwest rift zone, except that it erupted through water. When magma erupts explosively in shallow water, the liquid water heats, expands rapidly, and changes to steam, adding to the eruptive force.

The extra force shatters the extruded lava, which exposes more hot material–and hence more steam and more force as the eruption grows. Near-shore eruptions are some of the most dangerous that Hawaiian volcanoes can produce.

Shallow marine eruptions have two consequences for the appearance of the resulting cone. The first is grain size (marine eruptions leads to finer-grained deposits;) the second is the abundance of volcanic glass (because the lava fragments are quickly cooled by water before crystals can form.)

Molokini deposits are basanite, a type of basalt with fairly low amounts of silicon and high concentrations of sodium and potassium. (USGS)

The shallow inner cove is the crater’s submerged floor. Black coral was once found in abundance in the deeper waters around Molokini, but was harvested extensively. (Harvesting is now restricted, and small colonies can be found on the islet’s back wall.)

There is no sand beach on Molokini. The cove area slopes off from the shoreline to a depth of about 100 feet before dropping off. The bottom consists of sand patches, coral and basaltic boulders

A shallow reef in less than thirty feet of water extends from the shoreline northward at the islet’s northwestern point. It is a very popular snorkeling area with tour boats packing people in.

It is part of a Marine Life Conservation District (MLCD.) The diversity of fishes and other marine life within the MLCD is among the most impressive in the state. Even humpback whales have been known to enter the cove. (DLNR-DAR)

Molokini was part of prior military training; in 2006 & 2007, a 250-pound bomb, a 105mm projectile and a 5-inch rocket were found during surface surveys by the Navy.

Molokini Island

Molokini-(kanuhawaii)

Molokini Island

Molokini Crater

Molokini Island

Molokini-Pre-trip-Briefiung_Acknowledgement-DLNR

October 10, 2015 by Peter T Young Leave a Comment

Land Divisions

In discussing ancient land divisions, we typically hear of Mokupuni (island,) Moku (district,) Ahupuaʻa (generally watershed units) and ʻIli (strips of land.) Kalana and ʻOkana are often less-heard-of land divisions.

“In very ancient times, the lands were not divided and an island was left without divisions such as kalana, ʻokana, ahupuaʻa, and ʻili, but in the time when the lands became filled with people, the lands were divided, with the proper names for this place and that place so that they could be known.” (Kamakau)

Each of the larger divisions of this group, like Hawaiʻi, Maui and the others, is called a mokupuni (moku, cut off, and puni, surrounded.)

Six districts on the islands of O‘ahu and Hawai‘i, and the system of developing smaller manageable units of land became formalized by the early 1600s, in the reigns of ʻUmi-a-Līloa and Māʻilikūkahi. (Maly)

“The island (moku that is surrounded by water) is the main division, like, Hawai’i, Maui and the rest of the island chain. (Islands) were divided up into sections inside of the island, called moku o loko, like such places as Kona on Hawai’i island, and Hana on Mäui island, and such divisions on these islands.” (Malo)

Over the centuries, as the ancient Hawaiian population grew, land use and resource management also evolved. The moku puni or islands were subdivided into land units of varying sizes.

Each island was divided into several Moku ʻĀina (moku-o-loko (district – literally: interior island)) (Moku) or Districts. The Moku and Kalana (similar to the Moku) were divided into ʻokana (divisions within a Moku or Kalana) and Ahupuaʻa.

There sections were further divided into subdivision called ʻokana, or kalana. On the intermediate level, some kalana/moku were subdivided into ʻokana, some ʻokana were apparently independent of any moku/kalana, and moku and kalana were not always synonymous but appear in some cases to have been units nested within each other. (Beamer)

“(A) poko is a subdivision of a ʻokana. These sections were further divided into smaller divisions called Ahupua’a, and sections smaller than an Ahupua’a were called ‘ili ‘āina.” (Malo)

There is a district called Kona on the lee side, and one called Koʻolau on the windward side of almost every island. On Maui there are some sub-districts called ʻokana, of which there are five in the Hana district, while Lahaina is termed a Kalana. (Alexander)

Despite the diversity and complexity of the system, it appears that the ahupua’a became the most important division in the resource administration of the Hawaiian Kingdom, both as a unit and as a reference for the location of smaller properties. (Beamer)

Ahupuaʻa are subdivisions of land that were usually marked by an altar with an image or representation of a pig placed upon it (thus the name ahu-puaʻa or pig altar.)

In their configuration, the ahupua‘a may be compared to wedge-shaped pieces of land that radiate out from the center of the island, extending to the ocean fisheries fronting the land unit.

Their boundaries are generally defined by topography and geological features such as pu‘u (hills), ridges, gullies, valleys, craters, or areas of a particular vegetation growth.

The ahupua‘a, like the larger districts they belonged to, were also divided into smaller manageable parcels. Among the smaller land units that were identified by the ancient Hawaiians were the: ‘ili lele and ‘ili kupono. (Maly)

A peculiarity of the ‘Ili, on Oʻahu at least, is that it often consists of several distinct sections of land in different parts of the Ahupua’a, which are called lele, i.e. ‘jumps.’

Thus many lands in Waikiki have their corresponding patches of taro land and forest in Waikiki and Manoa valleys. The taro lands of Wailupe are found in Palolo valley. In Kalihi, and also in the district of ʻEwa, are ʻili which consist of eight or ten scattered lele apiece, included under one title. (Alexander)

ʻIli were detached parcels with resources in various environmental zones; kihāpai, both lo‘i (pond fields) and dry gardens; māla, dryland agricultural systems; and kōʻele, agricultural parcels worked by commoners for the chiefs.

These smaller parcels were inhabited and managed by the makaʻāinana (people of the land) and their extended families. In each ahupua‘a—from mountain slopes to the ocean—the common people were generally allowed access to all of the various natural resources within a given ahupua‘a. (Maly)

Land Divisions include, generally:

• Mokupuni – The island groups (such as our current county system)
• Moku – The major districts of each individual island
• Kalana – The significant divisions within each Moku
• ʻOkana – Division of the Moku or Kalana
• Ahupua‘a – Individual watershed regions within each Kalana
• ʻIli – functional subdivisions of an Ahupua‘a