Overthrow | Images of Old Hawaiʻi

October 11, 2017 by Peter T Young 1 Comment

Boer War

Gold had been mined since the early 1870s but was discovered on the Witwatersrand, in the Transvaal, in 1886. Thousands of white and black South Africans were employed on the mines by 1890.

South Africa became the single biggest gold producer in the world and this meant great growth for the independent Boer governments.

The Transvaal now also became more prominent in international finance because the importance of gold as an international monetary system. Britain was the center of industry and trade in the world at the time and needed a steady supply of gold to maintain this position.

There were various political leaders with opposing views in power in different parts of South Africa during the 1890s. Paul Kruger was president of the Transvaal or South African Republic (SAR) and Cecil John Rhodes became the premier of the Cape Colony in 1890.

Rhodes was from Britain and had made his fortune in South Africa by mining diamonds. He was also a supporter of the British imperial plan to unite South Africa under British rule. Kruger was a supporter of Boer independence and the two leaders were in direct conflict with each other. (South African History)

“The Boers were Dutch farmers of the Orange Free State in southern Africa. Incensed over British farmers moving into their land, the Boers declared war against Britain. … The British Empire, not to be trifled with, rushed half a million troops into the area. The Boers, never more than a few thousand in number, fought back using guerilla tactics.” (Star Bulletin, May 26, 1981)

“South African War (aka the Anglo-Boer War, or simply the Boer War) (October 11, 1899 – May 31, 1902) remains the most terrible and destructive modern armed conflict in South Africa’s history.”

“It was an event that in many ways shaped the history of 20th Century South Africa. The end of the war marked the end of the long process of British conquest of South African societies, both Black and White”. (Gilliomee and Mbenga )

Great Britain battled (and defeated) two Boer states in South Africa: the South African Republic (Republic of Transvaal) and the Orange Free State. Britain was aided by its Cape Colony, Colony of Natal and some native African allies.

Prince Kūhiō was with the British during the war in South Africa. … but, first, some background …

Prince Kūhiō studied under the late Alatau Atkinson in Honolulu, going from the Royal School to Punahou College and later attending St. Matthew’s College at San Mateo, Calif. He then went to England, studying at the Royal Agricultural College and taking business courses. (Orr; Nellist)

“As a young man Kalākaua wanted him to take up a military career and he was offered commissions in the British army, but his wishes ran to another way, he desired to study law and he achieved his desire. … His tastes were not militaristic, his trend was
toward law making and governing.” (Maui News, January 10, 1922)

In 1895, following the overthrow of Queen Lili‘uokalani, Kūhiō took part in a counterrevolution led by Robert Wilcox against the Republic of Hawai‘i. (DHHL)

The prince was charged with misprision of treason and served his sentence of one year in prison. During his imprisonment, a Kauai chiefess, Elizabeth Kahanu Ka‘auwai, visited him each day.

After his release, the two married on October 8, 1896. Kūhiō and Kahanu left Hawai‘i on a self-imposed exile and traveled extensively through Europe. (DHHL)

“They remained away two years, during which time they visited many interesting places” (Hawaiian Star, May 28, 1904), “vowing never to return to a Hawai‘i that appeared inhospitable to Hawaiians.” (Star Bulletin, March 26, 1996)

“They went to South Africa (where the) Prince was given an opportunity of enjoying some big game hunting. (Hawaiian Star, May 28, 1904)

“(T)he prince was anxious to see some of the fighting. But the authorities always managed to keep him away from the scene of the sklirmish although they saw bullets flying from a distance.” (Star Bulletin, February 20, 1932)

“(D)uring the Boer war … Prince Kūhiō had some exciting experiences with the British in their engagements with the Boer forces. The prince was on a train that was attacked by the Boers. He met the late Cecil Rhodes and was entertained by Sir J. Somers Vine.” (Hawaiian Star, May 28, 1904)

Kūhiō returned to the Islands and got into politics. In 1900, the Kanaka Maoli (aboriginal Hawaiians) had formed their own party, called the Home Rule Party, through merging two organizations, Hui Aloha ‘Āina and Hui Kālai‘āina, who had worked together to support Queen Lili‘uokalani and oppose annexation. (Silva)

That year, the Home Rulers elected Robert Wilcox as Hawaiʻi’s first delegate to the US Congress. (However, on July 10, 1902, Prince Kūhiō split from the Home Rule Party, joined the Republican Party and won the Congressional seat in the election on November 4, 1902.) (After a decade of election losses, the Home Rule Party was disbanded after the elections of 1912.)

Jonah Kūhiō Kalaniana‘ole Piʻikoi died on January 7, 1922 of heart disease. He was given the last state funeral for an ali‘i; he is buried at Mauna ‘Ala, the Royal Mausoleum.

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Kawananakoa, David, 1868-1908 and his brothers Edward Keliiahonui (1869-1887) and Jonah Kuhio Kalanianaole (1871-1922)-PP-97-17-008

Kalanianaole, Jonah Kuhio, 1871-1922, in his military uniform-PP-97-1-031

Kalanianaole, Jonah Kuhio, 1871-1922, in prison uniform (1895) PP-97-1-032

Kuhio Wearing his campaign hat and shirt-PP-97-2-017

Kalanianaole, Jonah Kuhio, 1871-1922-wearing_Order_of_Kamehameha regalia-(HSA)-PP-97-2-008

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U.S. Congressman Carter Glass, Lincoln Holstein (1865-1943), Kuhio, Congressman Phillip Campbell of Kansas, and Honolulu mayor John C. Lane (1872-1958)-PP-9

July 19, 2017 by Peter T Young Leave a Comment

Gilbert Conwall Wiltse

“In view of the existing critical circumstances in Honolulu, including an inadequate legal force, I request you to land marines and sailors from the ship under your command for the protection of the United States legation and United States consulate, and to secure the safety of American life and property.” (Stevens to Wiltse, January 16, 1893)

“You will take command of the battalion, and land in Honolulu for the purpose of protecting our legation and the lives and property of American citizens, and to assist in the preservation of public order.”

“Great prudence must be exercised by both officers and men, and no action taken that is not fully warranted by the condition of affairs and by the conduct of those who may be inimical to the treaty right of American citizens. You will inform me at the earliest practicable moment of any change in the situation.” (Wiltse to Lt-Commander Swinburne, January 16, 1893)

“Promptly the men from the Boston were landed. Detachments were placed around the legation and the consulate, the principal members having marched to a central hall for shelter and headquarters …”

“… the night being at hand, the public anxiety being especially strong as to what might be done by irresponsible persons in the night, the landing of the men of the Boston so promptly gave immediate relief to the public anxiety.”

“The committee of public safety forthwith took possession of the Government buildings, archives, and treasury, and installed the Provisional Government at the heads of the respective departments. This being an accomplished fact, I promptly recognized the Provisional Government as the de facto Government of the Hawaiian Islands.”

“The English minister, the Portuguese charge d’affaires, the French and the Japanese commissioners promptly did the same; these, with myself, being the only members of the diplomatic corps residing here.”

“It is proper that I should add, that the presence of the Boston here has been of the highest importance, and the behavior of officers and men has been admirable.”

“Capt. Wiltse has exercised prudence and great firmness, while he and the undersigned have recognized only accomplished facts and have not allowed the use of the United States force for any but the most conservative reasons, I am, sir, John L. Stevens.” (Blount Report)

Let’s look back …

Gilbert Conwall Wiltse was appointed to the Naval Academy from New York, and graduated on September 20, 1855. He became a midshipman on June 9, 1859, and was ordered to the frigate, Congress, the flagship of Admiral JS Sands, cruising on the Brazilian Station from 1859 to 1861. He was made Lieutenant on Aug. 31, 1861.

The Congress was recalled from the station upon the breaking out of the civil war, and Wiltse was detached from that vessel and ordered to the St. Lawrence of the home squadron, in which ship he was present at the engagement of the Confederate ram, Merimac, with the Congress and the Cumberland, in Hampton Roads, on March 8 and 9, 1862.

He was also in the engagement with the Sewel Point batteries in May, 1862. He served on the steam sloop, Dacotah, of the West India squadron in 1862-63, and in the Atlantic blockading squadron in 1863-64.

He had a taste of hot work in the engagement of monitors with Forts Sumter and Moultrie in Nov. 1863. He was commissioned Lieutenant Commander on March 3rd, 1865. He served with distinction all through the civil war.

He served successfully on the steamer Agawam, Atlantic squadron, 1866-67; apprentice ship. Saline, 1867-68; navy yard, New York, 1868-69; on monitor, Saugus, North Atlantic fleet, 1869-70; navy yard, Pensacola, 1870-72.

On November, 8, 1873, he was made commander and put in charge of the Sawmut, North Atlantic squadron, 1875-76. He was on shore duty at the New York Navy yard, 1878-81, and assigned to the command of the Swatara, North Atlantic squadron, 1884-85.

When in command of the Swartara, he was the conveyor of several millions of dollars in silver coin from New Orleans to New York, and it was when in command of that vessel in the harbor of Aspinwall that he protected the three political refugees.

He was promoted to Captain on Jan. 20, 1887, and placed in command of the receiving ship, Franklin; and then the U. S. steamship, Minnesota. He was assigned to the command of the Boston in 1891. The Boston was under his command with the Baltimore and the Yorktown, in the harbor of’ Valparaiso, when the men of the Baltimore were attacked in the streets of that city.

His last service with the Boston. Captain Wiltse of the US Navy was in command of the USS Boston when the Hawaiian revolution occurred; and, at the request of United States Minister Stevens, landed a detachment of marines.

Following that, Captain Wiltse returned to New York City and died at his home, No. 42 East Fifty-third St., New York City, on April 26, 1893. “He was taken ill on Thursday night of last week with congestion of the brain. His condition was not considered serious until Monday night when he became unconscious. He remained so until his death. He was 54 years old.” (Wiltse)

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USS_Boston_landing_force,_Arlington_Hotel-1893_(PP-36-3-002)

Dole,_Capt._Wiltse,_and_others_watching_a_parade_near_Iolani_Palace_following_overthrow_(PP-36-3-006)-WC

Arlington_Hotel-(formerly_Haleakala)-Officers of the USS Boston at Camp Boston-1893

USS Boston – 1891

Capt._G._C._Wiltse-gravestone

July 5, 2017 by Peter T Young Leave a Comment

Early Stages to the Overthrow – Challenges with Kalākaua

Some suggest the overthrow of the Hawai‘i constitutional monarchy was neither unexpected nor sudden.

Dissatisfaction with the rule of Kalākaua (and, later, Lili‘uokalani) led to the ‘Bayonet Constitution,’ then, the overthrow. Mounting dissatisfaction with government policies and private acts of officials led to the formation of the Hawaiian League, a group of Honolulu businessmen.

Folks generally cite the efforts to form the Polynesian Confederacy, the opium license bribery case and the extravagance (and growing debt) as issues of concern about Kalākaua’s rule.

Polynesian Confederacy

“Kalākaua (one of the most theoretical of men) was filled with visionary schemes for the protection and development of the Polynesian race; (Walter Murray Gibson) fell in step with him … The king and minister at least conceived between them a scheme of island confederation.” (Stevenson)

“(Gibson) discerned but little difficulty in the way of organizing such a political union, over which Kalākaua would be the logical emperor, and the Premier of an almost boundless empire of Polynesian archipelagoes.” (Daggett; Pacific Commercial Advertiser, February 6, 1900)

“The first step once taken between the Hawaiian and Samoan groups, other Polynesian groups and, inclusively, Micronesian and Melanesian groups, might gradually be induced to enter into the new Polynesian confederation just as Lord Carnarvon gets colony after colony to adopt His Lordship’s British Federal Dominion policy.” (Pacific Commercial Advertiser, November 17, 1877)

John Bush, Hawaiʻi’s ambassador to Sāmoa, succeeded in negotiating Articles of Confederation, which the Hawaiian cabinet ratified in March 1887. Kalākaua sent the Kaimiloa to salute High Chief Malietoa Laupepa in Sāmoa. (However, a German warship there warned Kalākaua to stop meddling in Samoan affairs.) (Chappell)

Eventually, the confederacy attempts failed. It part, it is believed too many changes to existing systems were proposed, many of which were modeled after the Western way.

Later, the Berlin Act (signed June 14, 1889,) between the US, Germany and Britain, established three-power joint rule over Sāmoa. This ultimately led to the creation of American Sāmoa.

Opium License Bribery Case

Another issue that particularly incensed people was the opium franchise bribery case, in which the King was implicated. (Forbes) An opium bill was passed providing for a license for four years, to be granted by the minister of the interior with the consent of the King. (Reports of Committee on Foreign Relations)

“Early in November, 1886, Junius Kaae, (who has access to the King,) informed a Chinese rice planter named Tong Kee, alias Aki, that he could have the opium license granted to him if he would pay the sum of $60,000 to the King’s private purse, but that he must be in haste because other parties were bidding for the privilege.” (Executive Documents US House of Representatives, 1895)

“With some difficulty Aki raised the money, and secretly paid it to Kaae and the King in three instalments between December 3d and December 8th, 1888. Soon afterwards Kaae called on Aki and informed him that one, Kwong Sam Kee, had offered the King $75,000 for the license, and would certainly get it, unless Aki paid $15,000 more.”

“Accordingly Aki borrowed the amount and gave it to the King personally on the 11th. Shortly after this another Chinese syndicate, headed by Chung Lung, paid the King $80,000 for the same object, but took the precaution to secure the license before handing over the money.” (Alexander)

In a later affidavit, Tong Kee (Aki) noted, “I asked the King to return me all of my money and drop the whole thing. He exclaimed that this could not be done that it was all understood and arranged about the division of the license and could not be changed.” (Hawaiian Gazette, May 17, 1887)

Initially the king, through his minister of foreign affairs, disclaimed any involvement. However, “To cap the climax of the opium matter, the Attorney General proceeds to acknowledge that the money was paid over by the Chinese … (H)e informed the gentlemen interested in getting the money back that he would never accomplish his object so long as he allowed the newspaper to speak of the affair.” (Hawaiian Gazette, May 17, 1887)

“The Attorney General then sees that there is no use in denying the receipt of the money but suggests that if a quiet tongue is kept in the matter the cash received for the bribe may be returned. … This is a pretty piece of morality for the Attorney General to put forth and shows the obliquity of vision of all who are connected with the government.” (Hawaiian Gazette, May 17, 1887)

Extravagance/Debt

Although Kalākaua had been elected and serving as King since 1874, upon returning from a trip around the world (1881), it was determined that Hawaiʻi’s King should also be properly crowned (1883).

“ʻIolani Palace, the new building of that name, had been completed the previous year (1882), and a large pavilion had been erected immediately in front of it for the celebration of the coronation. This was exclusively for the accommodation of the royal family; but there was adjacent thereto a sort of amphitheatre, capable of holding ten thousand persons, intended for the occupation of the people.” (Liliʻuokalani)

“On Monday, 12th February, the imposing ceremony of the Coronation of their Majesties the King and Queen of the Hawaiian Islands took place at ʻIolani Palace. … Like a mechanical transformation scene to take place at an appointed minute, so did the sun burst forth as the clock struck twelve, and immediately after their Majesties had been crowned.” (Pacific Commercial Advertiser, February 17, 1883)

The building of ‘Iolani Palace, in and of itself was an enormous extravagance, and so far as its cost is concerned remains a mystery to this day. The contract was not put out to tender in the customary manner, but the work was given for private reasons to architects and builders whom the King wished to favor. There were no requisitions upon the Treasury, and bills were paid by the King without any Ministerial intervention. (Krout)

During the Aki Opium Bribery Case, noted above, it was learned that, “the King’s liabilities of one kind and another amounted to more than $250,000. He was finally induced to make an assignment for the benefit of his creditors … it was decided, in conformity with the Constitution, which adhered to the old mediaeval tradition, that the King could ‘do no wrong.’”

“This interpretation meant that Kalākaua ‘could not be sued or held to account in any court of the kingdom,’ but the revenue in the hands of the trustees was held liable to Aki’s claim.” (Krout)

“Official advices from Honolulu, just received here, shows that the financial condition of the Hawaiian Kingdom is such that there is not the slightest hope of the Government ever again being independent of money lenders. The consequence will be trouble which must come sooner or later, involving the interest of Americans, Englishmen and Germany.”

“It is understood that when that period is reached our Government will insist that only American authority shall be recognized in the Hawaiian Kingdom, in what form this control will be established has not been considered, but no foreign Government will be permitted, under plea of setting up a protectorate, to establish itself in that country.” (Sacramento Daily Union, June 29, 1887)

This led to the ‘Bayonet Constitution’ (signed July 6, 1887) that greatly curtailed the monarch’s power, making him a mere figurehead; it placed executive power in the hands of a cabinet whose members could no longer be dismissed by the monarch but only by the legislature; it provided for election of the House of Nobles, formerly appointed by the monarch. (hawaiibar-org)

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June 27, 2017 by Peter T Young 2 Comments

Lili‘uokalani Seeks Overthrow

“It is announced this morning that ex-Queen Lili‘uokalani of Hawai‘i, who has been visiting this country for several months, has no desire for the restoration of the monarchy in the islands.”

“She realizes that such a thing at this late date is impossible. Could she have persuaded this Government to have personally take up her fight there might have been a chance for the restoration of the old order of things. But after the lapse of several years the overthrow of the Republic is hopeless.” (Sacramento Daily Record, April 13, 1897)

“The mission of ex-Queen Liliuokalani is at last definitely known. It is not to secure her restoration to the throne, but to urge McKinley to exert his influence in support of a scheme to overthrow the Dole regime and order a new election for President. She professes confidence that at such election she would be chosen.”

“Her proposition has been laid before McKinley. The ground on which she asks him to intercede is that the Dole Government illegally placed in power through the undue influence of Minister Stevens and the crew of the cruiser Boston. The President’s only reply to the communication so far has been a brief note acknowledging its receipt.” (San Francisco Call, April 13, 1897)

“Lili‘uokalani’s plan is to have the American Government espouse her cause in so far as to order the holding of a new election in the islands. She believes that such an election would overthrow the Dole Government, and she claims that she would then be elected President in his place. She says that she does not desire to be Queen again.”

“Those close to the McKinley administration assert that the ex-Queen’s mission is hopeless. They say that there is no probability that the American Government would take such a step with reference to the Hawaiian Government.”

“McKinley is believed to be friendly to some form of annexation or to the establishment of some kind of American protectorate, but he will not attempt to interfere with the present Hawaiian administration unless such interference would result in closer relationship of some kind.” (Sacramento Daily Record, April 13, 1897)

“Captain Palmer (spokesperson for the Queen) said to The Call correspondent today … ‘I am sure the Queen would be only too glad to have the people of Hawaii settle by ballot the question whether they would be ruled by their chiefs or by the white race in the islands.’”

“‘If there was a general election and her name headed one ticket, Kaʻiulani a second and Mr. Dole the third Liliuokalani would be elected by an overwhelming majority, an immense majority.’”

“‘Would she agree to run for President, and if so would it not be a tacit admission of the legality of the present constitution and form of government?’”

“‘I think if the proposition were broached she would be strongly urged by many of her friends and advisers to accept the position. She would do this for the sake of her people. She is a most charitable and considerate woman, and would willingly sacrifice all her own prospects and advantages for the people she loves so well.’”

“‘We in this country cannot realize the closeness of the tie that exists between the natives of Hawaii and their native rulers. She stands in the position of protector and mother to her people and would do anything in the world for them.’” (San Francisco Call, April 13, 1897)

“In an interview, ex-Queen Liliuokalani said of the proposed treaty between the United States and Hawaii: ‘Fifteen hundred people are giving away my country.’”

“‘The people of my country do not want to be annexed to the United States. Nor do the people of the United States wants annexation. It is the work of 1,500 people, mostly Americans, who have settled in Hawaii. Of this number those who are not native born Americans are of American parentage.’”

“‘None of my people want the island annexed. The population of the islands is 109,000. Of this number 40,000 are native Hawaiians. The rest are Americans, Germans, Portuguese, Japanese, Chinese, English and a small proportion from other countries. The 1,500 Americans who are responsible for what was done to-day are running the affairs of the islands.’”

“‘There is no provision made in this treaty for me. In the Harrison treaty I was allowed $20,000 a year, but that treaty never went into effect. I have never received one dollar from the United States.’”

“‘No one looked after my interests in the preparation of this treaty. Yet my people, who form so large a part of the population of the islands, would want justice done me.’” (Los Angeles Herald, June 18, 1897)

On June 27, 1959, when the matter of Statehood was put to a popular vote, Hawaiʻi registered voters voted on the question of Statehood (there was a 93.6% voter turnout for the General election – as compared to less than 50% today.)

Shall the following proposition, as set forth in Public Law 86-3 entitled “An Act to provide for the admission of the State of Hawaii into the Union” be adopted? 1. Shall Hawaii immediately be admitted into the Union as a State? – 94.3% voted in support.

While Hawaiʻi was the 50th State to be admitted into the union on August 21, 1959, Statehood is celebrated annually on the third Friday in August to commemorate the anniversary of the 1959 admission of Hawaiʻi into the Union.

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June 18, 2017 by Peter T Young Leave a Comment

$25,000 Annuity

“In an interview, ex-Queen Liliuokalani said of the proposed treaty between the United States and Hawaii: ‘Fifteen hundred people are giving away my country.’”

Then, a couple American newspapermen (Charles L MacArthur, a former New York state senator and then editor of the local newspaper in Troy NY and William Shaw Bowen, a journalist with the New York World newspaper) independently supported an effort to arrange a $25,000 annuity to Liliʻuokalani.

In responding to questions noted in the Morgan Report, MacArthur stated, “I went to Mr. Dole. I had trouble in my own mind as to whether the Queen had not some personal rights in the crown lands, for the reason that the treasury department had never asked her to make a return on the income …”

“… which was about $75,000 a year, from these lands and which she had received, and as the treasury had never asked her for a return I thought she had an individual right in the lands.”

“I said to the people, ‘She has individual rights, and you have not asked her to make a return to the treasury of what she has received and what she did not receive.’ The President explained it all to me, the grounds of it. “

“When Mr. Neuman indicated that they were willing – I had made the suggestion and others had – that they ought to buy her out, pay her a definite sum, $25,000 or some other sum per year for her rights.”

“Her rights had been shattered, but I thought they ought to pay for them, and so I went, in accordance with Mr. Neuman’s suggestion, or by his consent, to see President Dole.”

“Mr. Neuman said he wanted to talk with President Dole about this matter, but he had not been there officially, and he could not go there publicly to his official place. I talked with Mr. Dole, and Mr Dole said he could not officially do anything without consulting his executive committee …”

“… but he said he would be very happy to meet Mr. Neuman and see what they wanted – see if they could come to any terms about this thing by which the Queen would abdicate and surrender her rights.”

“Mr. Neuman and his daughter called, nominally for the daughter to see Mrs. Dole, so that it could not get out, if they made a call, they could say it was merely a social call, not an official call.”

“Of course, I do not know what their conversation was; but Mr. Neuman, acting on that, called on the Queen. Mr. Dole and Mr. Neuman both impressed on me the importance of not having this thing get out, or the whole thing would go up in smoke. Mr. Neuman said he could bring this thing about if he could keep it from the Queen’s retainers – her people.”

“He said, ‘That is the difficulty about this thing.’ This matter went on for three or four days. Mr. Neuman saw the Queen and she agreed not to say anything about it, so Mr. Neuman tells me, and I got it from other sources there which I think are reliable. They came to some sort of understanding; I do not know what it was.”

“They went so far as to say this woman would not live over three or four years; that she had some heart trouble; and if they gave her $25,000 a year it would not be for a long time. … Mr. Neuman said she assented to it, if she could satisfy one or two of her people.”

Bowen noted in testimony in the Morgan Report, “One day while dining with Paul Neuman I said: ‘I think it would be a good thing if the Queen could be pensioned by the Provisional Government; it would make matters harmonious, relieve business, and make matters much simpler.’”

“I also said that I was aware that certain gentlemen in Washington were opposed to pensioning the Queen; that certain Senators raised that objection to the treaty that was brought from the islands because it recognized the principle of the right of a queen to a pension.”

“There was one Senator, especially, from the South, who said, without discussing the treaty, that that was objectionable to him; that his people would object to it. I said, “If there is no annexation it is a serious question; if there is, the Queen should be taken care of.”

“Neuman agreed with me. He was a strong friend of the Queen, disinterested and devoted. But he said it could not be done. I told him that I had become acquainted with the members of the Provisional Government who were high in authority, and I thought I would try to have it done.

“Mr. Dole said he would not make any propositions himself and asked me what I thought the pension ought to be. On the spur of the moment, not having considered the matter, I said I thought the Queen ought to get a very handsome pension out of the crown lands.”

“I asked if there was any question about raising the money, and he said none whatever. He finally asked me to name the figures. He had the idea that the figures had been suggested. I said, ‘You ought to give $20,000 a year to furnish her followers with poi. That is the native dish.’ Mr. Dole said he would consider that question.”

“The result was that Mr. Dole told Mr. Neuman that if the Queen would make such a proposition to him it would receive respectful attention and intimated that he thought it would be accepted. Mr. Seaman saw the Queen and told me that he thought it would be done; that the more he thought of it the more convinced he was that it would be better all around.”

“In the meantime he (Blount) had been to the Queen, to Mr. Dole, and had done what he could to prevent the carrying out of the plan. Mr. Neuman had an interview with the Queen.”

“She told him that she would do nothing more in the matter, and asked him to give back her power of attorney, and he tore it up in her presence. This was the 22d, that he tore up his power of attorney.”

“On the 21st instant Mr. Claus Spreckels called to see me. He said that he suspected there was an effort at negotiation between the Queen and the Provisional Government, and that he had urged the Queen to withdraw her power of attorney from Paul Neumann.”

“How much or how little Mr. Spreckels knows about this matter I am unable to say, as I do not know how to estimate him, never having met him before. He promised to see me again before the mail leaves for the United States on next Wednesday, and give me such information as he could acquire in the meantime.”

“I have no doubt whatever that if Mr. Blount had not prevented, and secondarily Mr. Claus Speckels, the agent for the sugar trust, that plan would have been carried out. I have no doubt of it in my own mind.” (Bowen; Morgan Report)

“Thus Blount intervened to scuttle negotiations between the Queen and President Dole that were strongly on track toward a mutually agreeable settlement whereby the Queen would give up all claims to the throne in return for an annuity.” (MorganReport)

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