Chinese | Images of Old Hawaiʻi

October 26, 2017 by Peter T Young 1 Comment

Calrose

The Royal Hawaiian Agricultural Society was formed in 1850 to develop Hawaiʻi’s agricultural resources. It was then that rice made its mark in the Hawaiʻi economy. The group purchased land in the Nuʻuanu Valley and rice seed from China and planted in a former taro patch.

At first the Society offered the rice seed to anyone in Hawaiʻi who wanted to plant it. King Kamehameha IV also offered land grants for cultivation of rice. Because there were no proper milling facilities in Hawaiʻi, it didn’t take off as a viable crop right away.

Then, in 1860, imported rice seed from South Carolina proved very successful and yielded a fair amount of crop. This, combined with the collapse of the taro industry in 1861-1862 (as the Hawaiian population declined, the demand for taro also declined,) added value to the numerous vacant taro patches and a boom in the rice industry.

From 1860 to the 1920s, rice was raised in the islands of Hawaiʻi, Kauai and Oʻahu. Hanalei Valley on Kauai led all other single geographic units in the amount of acreage planted in rice. The valley was one of the first areas converted to this use and continued to produce well into the 1960s.

The Commercial Pacific Advertiser noted on October 3, 1861, “Everybody and his wife (including defunct government employees) are into rice – sugar is nowhere and cotton is no longer king. Taro patches are held at fabulous valuations, and among the thoughtful the query is being propounded, where is our taro to come from?”

During the 1860s and 1870s, the production of rice increased substantially. It was consumed domestically by the burgeoning numbers of Chinese brought to the Islands as agricultural laborers.

In 1862, the first rice mill in the Hawaiian Islands was constructed in Honolulu (prior to that it was sent unhulled and uncleaned to be milled in San Francisco.) By 1887 over 13 million pounds of rice were exported.

A particularly important stimulus for the increased demand for rice was the Reciprocity Treaty of 1876. This treaty between the United States and the Kingdom of Hawaiʻi granted duty-free status to certain items of trade between the two countries, including rice.

Thomas Thrum wrote in 1877 that Kamehameha V and other landowners had “planted a large tract of land in rice (in Moanalua,) and even went so far as to pull up and destroy large patches of growing taro to plant rice.”

In 1899, Hawaiʻi’s rice production had expanded so that it placed third in production of rice behind Louisiana and South Carolina. Much of this rice acreage was worked initially by Chinese immigrants, who first arrived as contract laborers in 1852.

In 1882, with passage of the Chinese Exclusion Act, Chinese immigration was banned; Japanese workers were brought in to take their place. Ironically, this influx of Japanese immigrants accelerated Hawaiʻi’s decline in rice production.

Japanese preferred short grain rice rather than the long grain rice the Chinese were used to eating. So rice began to be imported from California for the Japanese.

California’s success would ultimately mean the end of the rice industry in Hawaiʻi. Commercial rice production in California was established 1912 along with the founding of the Rice Experiment Station (RES) near Biggs, California.

Short grain selections from temperate japonica plant introductions from China and Japan constituted essentially all of California’s rice production until the 1950s.

‘Calrose’ was the founding California medium-grain rice variety, the ancestor of California medium-grains, and is now recognized as a market class term for California medium-grain rice. (CRRF)

Calrose (C.I. 8988 FAO G.S. No. 1013) originated at the Biggs Rice Field Station, as a selection from the cross Caloro x Calady backcrossed to Caloro. Calady was selected from the cross Caloro x Lady Wright and is a medium-grain variety. (Johnson)

(The name “rose” indicates medium-grain shape and “Cal” to indicate California origin and production.)

Seed of Calrose was first distributed to California growers in 1948 (27). It is adapted to growing in the Sacramento and San Joaquin valleys of California but is not grown in the Southern rice area. (Johnson)

Calrose acreage began increasing rapidly after a very cool year in 1954 that was a yield disaster for Caloro. Fortunately, Calrose had very acceptable cooking and taste properties. By 1960 Calrose was grown on 30% of California rice acreage and by 1975 70%. Today it constitutes more than 80% of the California rice crop. (McKenzie & Johnson)

Hawai‘i is a unique market for California Rice, consuming close to 70 million pounds a year. Their per capita rice consumption is about twice what it is in the contiguous 48 states. (Calrice)

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Short-Medium-Long Grain Rice

Hanalei-Valley-Rice_Fields-1890

Kaneohe Rice Farm-1938

Pauoa-Rice_fields

Rice_fields_workers_beneath_Punchbowl_Crater,_Honolulu,_in_1900

iew of rice fields towards Pālolo Valley from the back of Waikīkī, Hawai`i, ca. 1910

Rice-aep-his287

September 28, 2017 by Peter T Young 1 Comment

Chinese University of Hawai‘i

“The Chinese Hawaiian baseball team proved conclusively that they had the University Wildcats outclassed in every department when they took the second of a series of two games by a score of ten to two here today.” (Bisbee Daily News, March 24, 1915)

The exact wording may not be the same, but the message was: from 1912-1916, newspapers all across the continent shared the similar news – the Chinese University of Hawai‘i squad was the team to beat – but most couldn’t.

Mainland media tell part of the story … “The faculty and also the board of directors of the Chinese university of Hawaii have given permission to the baseball team of the institution to tour the United States in 1913.”

“A cable message was immediately sent to Nat C Strong in New York and he will arrange the schedule. It is expected the Chinese team will play Yale, Harvard and Princeton next year.” (Wilkes-Barre Times Leader, Pennsylvania, November 5, 1912)

“Mr Strong is an exceptionally active man in his line of work. He is the man who booked all the games for the Chinese baseball team, now playing on the coast, since June.”

“Because of the fact that the Chinese baseball boys now on the mainland have been such a good drawing card everywhere. Mr Strong has already secured seventy games for the All-Chinese aggregation should they decide to tour the United States again next year.” (Star-bulletin, September 28, 1912)

“The baseball team of the Chinese University of Hawai‘i will sail tomorrow for San Francisco, to begin a tour of the United States. After a few coast matches the team will go east, ending its schedule with a series of games with New England colleges the latter part of June.”

“The tour will comprise approximately 50,000 miles. The party will include fifteen prayers and will be in charge of Captain Akana. Nearly all of the players were members of the team which made a similar tour of the United States last year.” (Bismarck Daily, March 18, 1913)

“Supported by Chinatown business interests in Honolulu, as well as the Hawaiian Merchants and Advertiser’s Club of Honolulu, a baseball team of Chinese Americans was dispatched in 1912 to the mainland.”

“The nine’s backers hoped the athletes would pump up mainland tourism and investments in the Islands, as well as erect a cultural bridge between European Americans and Chinese Americans.”

“The 1912 and 1913 squads largely consisted of players of Chinese ancestry, although several athletes such as Buck Lai Tin, Vernon Ayau, Ken Yen Chun, Apau Kau and Land Akana also possessed indigenous Hawaiian and haole backgrounds.” (Franks)

“In subsequent years, the team became more ethnically diverse, but essentially remained Asian Pacific Islander. Thus by 1914, the team fielded several players possessing Japanese and indigenous Hawaiian ancestry.” (Franks)

In 1915, “arrangements have been completed for the famous All-Chinese baseball team of Honolulu, which was so successful against the leading American College clubs on its tour of the United States last year, to come to Shanghai and take part in the series for the open baseball championship of the Far East.”

They needed to raise $5,000 for expenses. Chinese President Yuan Shih-kai sent a letter of support, “stating the president’s hearty approval of the effort to popularize baseball in China as a suitable outdoor sport for Chinese youth …”

“… and the president also sent his check for $500 as a personal contribution towards the expenses of bringing out the All-Chinese baseball team from Honolulu, which he believes will do much to stimulate interest in the game among Chinese.” (Star Bulletin, April 8, 1915)

Furthermore, “Under the patronage of the Chinese government and with the personal assistance of Wu Tang-fang, former Chinese minister to the United States, a baseball team of American-born Chinese is on its way to Shanghai on the steamer Mongolia, by way of the Philippines and Japan.”

“Their expenses in China will be met by the Chinese Government. The team will tour the (principal) cities of the interior to introduce American athletics for the physical improvement of the youth of China.” (Columbus Weekly Advocate, April 15, 1915)

“Sixteen games were played in all during the trip to the Philippines and China, and of these 12 were won, three lost and one tied.”

“In Peking the president of China gave us a reception, and talked to us for about five minutes. We received special permission
to visit the old royal residence, and altogether were treated as distinguished guests.” (Star-Bulletin, June 22, 1915)

Back in the Islands, “The local press initially called the nine the All-Chinese but eventually took to referring to the Hawaiian ballplayers as the Travelers, the Hawaiian Travelers, or the Chinese Travelers.” (Franks)

However, “The young ballplayers crisscrossing the Pacific to the mainland did not go to the ‘Chinese University of Hawai‘i.’ There was no such institution. It was the concoction by one or more of the Hawaiian promoters of the trip.” (Franks)

The team’s management encouraged the fiction that baseball fans at Stanford and Penn State were watching a college team in action.

The team management wanted to schedule college teams and believed do so would be impossible unless mainland colleges were persuaded that the Hawaiian visitors represented a college. (Franks)

There was no ‘University of Hawai‘i’ in the Islands until 1920. When it was authorized in 1907, it was known as the ‘College of Agriculture and Mechanic Arts of the Territory of Hawai‘i.’ In 1911, the name of the school was changed to the “College of Hawaiʻi.”

And, it wasn’t until 1917, after the Chinese Hawaiians stopped playing their mainland games, that the College of Hawaiʻi had its first baseball team, when an interclass game was played between the Aggies and Engineers (the Aggies won.)

With the addition of the College of Arts and Sciences in 1920, the school became known as the University of Hawaiʻi. The Territorial Normal and Training School (now the College of Education) joined the University in 1931.

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Chinese University of Hawaii played Rice Institute-Rice

Chinese American baseball team from Hawaii-LOC

William ‘Buck’ Tin Lai; aka Lai Tin on 1914 Chinese team-LOC

Lang Akana, captain and first baseman, Chinese university-LOC

Columbia_-_Capt._Friedrichs;_Hawaii_-_Capt._Akana_(Chinese)-(LOC)

Chinese American baseball team tour of US-1913-LOC-under 2M

August 15, 2017 by Peter T Young Leave a Comment

Asked to Come … Then Excluded

Except for the few Chinese adventurers who remained in Hawai’i from the ships of whalers, fur traders and merchants, their numbers did not have a significant impact upon the society of the Hawaiian kingdom.

Starting in the 1850s, when the Hawaiian Legislature passed “An Act for the Governance of Masters and Servants,” a section of which provided the legal basis for contract-labor system, labor shortages in the sugar industry were eased by bringing in contract workers from Asia, Europe and North America.

This planned immigration had a strong influence on the growth, size, and composition of the population as well as on sociological change in the young Territory of Hawai’i at the turn of the century. (Nordyke)

The first contract from China came in 1852: 195 workers from the city of Amoy in the Fujian Province. By the 1880s more than 25,000 Chinese immigrants (more than 20% of Hawaii’s population) were working on Hawaii’s sugar plantation. (Jillian)

Because of excellent employment opportunities in Hawaiʻi, as well as the high value placed by Chinese on education (even though most immigrants had little formal schooling,) Chinese parents encouraged their sons to get as much education as possible. (Glick)

This strong emphasis on education resulted in a highly favorable position for Chinese men and women in Hawaiʻi. Nearly three-fourths of them are employed in higher-lever jobs – skilled, clerical and sales, proprietary and managerial, and professional. As a result, the Chinese enjoy the highest median of income of all ethnic groups in Hawaiʻi. (Glick)

On the continent, in the 1850s, Chinese workers migrated to the US, first to work in the gold mines, but also to take agricultural jobs, and factory work, especially in the garment industry. Chinese immigrants were particularly instrumental in building railroads in the American west.

Chinese immigrants worked as domestic servants, laundrymen, miners, road graders, railroad workers, cannery workers, fishermen, cooks, farmers and other occupations that were often shunned by others. (Chin; Organization of Chinese Americans)

Objections to Chinese immigration took many forms, and generally stemmed from economic and cultural tensions, as well as ethnic discrimination. Most Chinese laborers who came to the US did so in order to send money back to China to support their families there.

At the same time, they also had to repay loans to the Chinese merchants who paid their passage to America. These financial pressures left them little choice but to work for whatever wages they could.

Non-Chinese laborers often required much higher wages to support their wives and children in the US, and also generally had a stronger political standing to bargain for higher wages. Therefore many of the non-Chinese workers in the US came to resent the Chinese laborers, who might squeeze them out of their jobs. (State Department)

Competition with American workers and a growing nativism brought pressure for restrictive action. (US Archives) On the continent, the 1882 Chinese Exclusion Act prohibited (1) the immigration of Chinese laborers, (2) denied Chinese of naturalization; (3) and required Chinese laborers already legally present in the US who later wish to reenter to obtain “certificates of return.”

The latter provision was an unprecedented requirement that applied only to Chinese residents. Other Acts were passed and steps taken by the US to extend the 1882 Chinese Exclusion Act.

Scott Act (1888) prohibited all Chinese laborers who would choose or had chosen to leave the US from reentering, cancelled all previously issued “certificates of return,” which prevented approximately 20,000 Chinese laborers abroad.

Geary Act (1892) extended the Chinese Exclusion Act for 10 years, required all Chinese persons in the US – but no other race – to register with the federal government in order to obtain “certificates of residence.” In 1898, the US annexed Hawaiʻi and took control of the Philippines, and excluded thousands of Chinese in Hawaii and the Philippines from entering the US mainland.

In 1902, Congress indefinitely extended all laws relating and restricting Chinese immigration and residence. (Chin; Organization of Chinese Americans)

In the Islands, in 1883, the Hawaiian Cabinet Council, concerned that the Chinese had secured too strong a representation in the labor market, passed a resolution to restrict Chinese immigration to 2,400 men a year and to require Chinese leaving the Islands to obtain a passport to prove previous residence if they expected to return.

In 1885, harsher regulations limited passports to Chinese who had been in trade or who had conducted business for at least one year of residence, and no return passports were to be issued to departing laborers.

Further government regulations introduced from 1886 to 1892 virtually ended Chinese contract labor immigration by restricting passports to business people who had resided in the Islands, Chinese women and children and a few persons in China who were specifically invited by the minister of foreign affairs.

A limited number of Chinese laborers were permitted to enter Hawaiʻi under conditional work permits for agricultural purposes, provided that they left the Islands after five years. (Nordyke)

An effort to stabilize the Chinese population was made by a Hawaiian government policy that curtailed Chinese immigration so that the number of arrivals would not exceed departures.

While 5,727 Chinese were employed on sugar plantations in 1888, only 2,617 were reported in that occupation by 1892. Many of these workers migrated to the cities to obtain higher-paying jobs, but some laborers returned to their homeland. Between 1884 and 1890, the Chinese population declined from 18,254 to 16,752 persons. (Nordyke)

The Chinese Exclusion Acts were not repealed until 1943, and then only in the interests of aiding the morale of a wartime ally during World War II. (State Department)

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Chinese men-PP-14-4-013-00001

June 21, 2017 by Peter T Young Leave a Comment

Chinese Wo Hing Society Temple and Cookhouse

Some suggest Captain James Cook’s crew gave information about the “Sandwich Islands” when they stopped in Macao in December 1779, near the end of the third voyage.

In 1788, British Captain John Meares commanded two vessels, the Iphigenia and the Felice, with crews of Europeans and 50-Chinese. Shortly thereafter, in 1790, the American schooner Eleanora, with Simon Metcalf as master, reached Maui from Macao using a crew of 10-Americans and 45-Chinese. (Nordyke & Lee)

Crewmen from China were employed as cooks, carpenters and artisans, and Chinese businessmen sailed as passengers to America. Some of these men disembarked in Hawai’i and remained as new settlers.

The growth of the Sandalwood trade with the Chinese market (where mainland merchants brought cotton, cloth and other goods for trade with the Hawaiians for their sandalwood – who would then trade the sandalwood in China) opened the eyes and doors to Hawaiʻi.

The Chinese referred to Hawaiʻi as “Tan Heung Shan” – “The Sandalwood Mountains.” The sandalwood trade lasted for nearly half a century – 1792 to 1843. (Nordyke & Lee)

Starting in the 1850s, when the Hawaiian Legislature passed “An Act for the Governance of Masters and Servants,” a section of which provided the legal basis for contract-labor system, labor shortages were eased by bringing in contract workers from Asia, Europe and North America. The first to arrive were the Chinese (1852.)

“These Chinese were taken to the plantations. There they lived in grass houses or unpainted wooden buildings with dirt floors. Sometimes as many as forty men were put into one room.”

“They slept on wooden boards about two feet wide and about three feet from the floor. … (T)hey cut the sugarcane and hauled it on their backs to ox drawn carts which took the cane to the mill to be made into sugar” (Young – Nordyke & Lee)

The sugar industry grew, so did the Chinese population in Hawaiʻi. Between 1852 and 1884, the population of Chinese in Hawai’i increased from 364 to 18,254, to become almost a quarter of the population of the Kingdom (almost 30% of them were living in Honolulu.) (Young – Nordyke & Lee)

During the years 1852-1898, many thousands of Chinese came to Maui to work on sugar plantations and in sugar mills. Chinatown in Lahaina began as one-story shops and housing on Front Street, and as more Chinese were attracted to the area, two-story wooden buildings were built to accommodate them.

Between 1869 and 1910 over thirty secret societies that have their roots in seventeenth century China were established in the Islands, six on Maui. These secret societies were formed to politically re-establish the deposed Ming dynasty.

The societies in Hawai‘i were not significantly interested in the political aspects of the parent societies. However, these societies made financial contributions to the 1911 Chinese revolution conducted by Sun Yat-Sen.

These local clubs were mutual aid societies which met social and recreational needs of its members providing funeral services and burial, protective services and made contributions to their members.

The Wo Hing Society – Wo, meaning “peace and harmony” and Hing, meaning “prosperity” – a branch of the Chee Kung Tong in Lahaina was incorporated in 1905 and the original structure repaired in 1906. “The extensive improvements at the Wo Hing Society House will be completed in season for the Chinese New Year’s festivities.” (Maui News, December 23, 1905)

The Society was an important aspect of cultural and social life for its immigrant Chinese members. Since many of the early Chinese immigrants were single men the society provided a fraternal structure which was a substitute for the absent family.

The Chinese Tong Society was a club opened to men sixteen to sixty. An initiation fee was paid and members participated in rigorous initiation rites and took an oath based on thirty-six codes of morality, brotherhood, patriotism and chivalry. Members could be identified by special gestures, secret chopstick maneuvers and passwords.

The members would meet to exchange news of China with people from other island , and read, or have read to them Chinese newspapers. The festivals and celebrations have included the Kuan Ti festival , to celebrate the god, the New Year festival to celebrate the Chinese New Year, the Ching Ming in April , when offerings were made to ancestral graves.

In 1912, using private donations, the society built a two-story temple on Front Street; the society provided social contacts, support in times of crisis, and housing for retired workers. It is believed that the present building replaced the older structure.

Upstairs is a temple with an altar for religious ceremonies, downstairs was the social hall and adjacent was the cookhouse. It served the growing Chinese population centered in Lahaina.

By the 1940s the declining Chinese population in Lahaina slowly made the building redundant and the property was neglected. In 1983, Lahaina Restoration Foundation took steps to restore this valuable site for Lahaina.

Under a long-term agreement with the Wo Hing Society, the foundation provided funds to bring the buildings back to life and maintain them as a museum. (Lots of information here is from Lahaina Restoration Foundation and National Park.)

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Wo Hing Society Social Hall, Temple & Cookhouse-NPS

Wo Hing Temple Founders, Chung Koon You and Chan Wa-WC

Wo Hing Society Social Hall, Temple & Cookhouse

Wo Hing Society Social Hall, Temple & Cookhouse-plaque

March 24, 2017 by Peter T Young Leave a Comment

Surnames

Give me your tired, your poor,
Your huddled masses yearning to breathe free,
The wretched refuse of your teeming shore.
Send these, the homeless, tempest-tossed to me,
I lift my lamp beside the golden door!
(The New Colossus, Emma Lazarus, 1883)

“About 1 in every 25 Americans is named Smith, Johnson, Williams, Brown, Jones, Miller or Davis.” (NY Times)

“Originally, … men had but one name.” “About the year of our Lord 1000 … surnames began to be taken up in France, and in England about the time of the Conquest, or else a very little before, under King Edward the Confessor, who was all Frenchified…”

“(T)he French and we termed them Surnames, not because they are the names of the sire, or the father, but because they are super added to Christian names, as the Spanish called them Renombres, as Renames.” (Camden; Philomathic Journal)

In old English name-making, every surname was essentially based on one of four reasons (1) personal, from a sire or ancestor, (2) local, from place of residence, (3) occupative, from trade or office, (4) a nickname, from bodily attributes, character, etc. (Weekley)

Today, we say a patronym is a personal name suited to its owner. For some, like ‘Smith,’ the person was a metal worker; for others, like Johnson, he was ‘son of John.’

Some say there is a relationship between a person’s name and his occupation – nominative determinism is the theory that people tend to gravitate towards areas of work that fit their name. (Thomas Crapper invented the toilet.)

“Smith (the most common surname in the US) – which would be even more common if all its variations, like Schmidt and Schmitt, were tallied – is among the names derived from occupations. (As recently as 1950, more Americans were employed as blacksmiths than as psychotherapists.)”

Miller is another (it’s an English and Scottish occupational surname for a grain miller. Another possible origin is from the Irish word ‘maillor,’ meaning soldier.)

The very first documented ‘Jones’ in America was in Virginia in 1587. It’s a patronymic surname from the Middle English first names John or Jon, but it is a particularly common surname in Wales. In fact, 10% of Welsh people share the name- despite the fact that there is no letter ‘J’ in the Welsh alphabet.

“The Census Bureau’s analysis found that some surnames were especially associated with race and ethnicity. More than 96 percent of Yoders, Kruegers, Muellers, Kochs, Schwartzes, Schmitts and Novaks were white.”

“Nearly 90 percent of the Washingtons were black, as were 75 percent of the Jeffersons, 66 percent of the Bookers, 54 percent of the Banks and 53 percent of the Mosleys.” (NY Times)

Between 1892 and 1954, over twelve million people entered the USs through the immigration inspection station at Ellis Island, a small island located in the upper bay off the New Jersey coast.

There is a myth that persists in the field of genealogy, or more accurately, in family lore, that family names were changed there. “Nearly all … name change stories are false. Names were not changed at Ellis Island.”

“The proof is found when one considers that inspectors never wrote down the names of incoming immigrants. The only list of names came from the manifests of steamships, filled out by ship officials in Europe.”

“In the era before visas, there was no official record of entering immigrants except those manifests. When immigrants reached the end of the line in the Great Hall, they stood before an immigration clerk with the huge manifest opened in front of him.”

“The clerk then proceeded, usually through interpreters, to ask questions based on those found in the manifests. Their goal was to make sure that the answers matched. (Cannato; NY Public Library)

But some names were changed due to necessity (North American typewriters did not have diacritical markings for letters found in several European languages) …

Inability to spell or carelessness, difficulty in pronouncing or spelling a name (person wrote the name as it sounded to him,) desire to break with the past (new name in new land,) dislike of the original name, desire for material success (fearing a ‘wrong’ name might prevent them from becoming successful or getting a particular job. (RootsWeb)

In the Islands, because their names were not easy to pronounce by the Hawaiians, missionaries were given Hawaiianized names (that sounded somewhat like the original name:)

Hiram Bingham was called Binamu; Asa Thurston was called Tatina; Amos Cooke was called Kuke; Lorenzo Lyons was called Laimana, etc.

These weren’t the only Hawaiianized name changes.

The Chinese-Hawaiian surname was formed by adding a letter or syllable ‘a’ or ‘ah’ to the Chinese given name (or last part of his given name,) rarely his surname.

For example, if a person’s name used in the Chinese style with the surname first is Lau Say Kan, his Hawaiianized name becomes Ah Kan. Later, that may become Akana. (Lai)

Some other examples are: Tang Hung Sin became Ahsin or Akina. Tang Chow became Akau or Akao. Lau Fai became Hapai. (Kai)

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statue-of-liberty