Annexation | Images of Old Hawaiʻi

August 20, 2018 by Peter T Young Leave a Comment

Robert Wilcox’s Quest for Statehood

In 1890, Robert Wilcox was elected to the Legislature in the Islands. Following the overthrow of Queen Liliʻuokalani in 1893, the Committee of Safety established the Provisional Government of Hawaiʻi as a temporary government until annexation by the United States.

The Provisional Government convened a constitutional convention and established the Republic of Hawaiʻi on July 4, 1894. The Republic continued to govern the Islands.

From January 6 to January 9, 1895, in a “Counter-Revolution,” patriots of the Kingdom of Hawaiʻi and the forces that had overthrown the constitutional Hawaiian monarchy were engaged in a war that consisted of battles on the island of Oʻahu.

It has also been called the Second Wilcox Rebellion of 1895, the Revolution of 1895, the Hawaiian Counter-revolution of 1895, the 1895 Uprising in Hawaiʻi, the Hawaiian Civil War, the 1895 Uprising Against the Provisional Government or the Uprising of 1895.

In their attempt to return Queen Liliʻuokalani to the throne, it was the last major military operation by royalists who opposed the overthrow of the Kingdom of Hawaiʻi. The goal of the rebellion failed.

Wilcox was court-martialed and sentenced to death, but the sentence was commuted to thirty-five years. While in prison in 1895, Pope Leo XIII granted an annulment of their marriage. The Italian Consul and the Catholic Bishop at Honolulu confirmed this action.

In January, 1896, he was given a conditional pardon and became a free man; later that year, Wilcox married again, this time to Mrs. Theresa Cartwright. In 1898, President Dole gave him a full pardon.

With the establishment of Territorial status in the Islands, Hawaiʻi was eligible to have a non-voting delegate in the US House of Representatives.

Wilcox and others formed the Independent “Home Rule” Party and Wilcox ran as a candidate for the Delegate position (against Republican Samuel Parker and Democrat Prince David Kawānanakoa.) Wilcox won, and served as the first delegate and representative of Hawaiʻi in the US Congress.

Robert W Wilcox – the man who figured so prominently and conspicuously noted, related to the overthrow, “Queen Lili‘uokalani brought these evils upon herself and the country both by her personal corruption, and that of her Government.”

“She surrounded herself with bad advisers, and seemed determined to drive the nation to destruction. Good people had no influence over her whatever, for she indignantly refused to listen to them.”

“I believe that if we can be annexed to the United States, the rights of all of our citizens, and especially those of the native Hawaiians, will be protected more carefully than they have ever been under the monarchy.”

“My countrymen, with the exception of the most intelligent among them, do not understand much about these things. They need to be educated. They have so often been told by designing men that the United States was their enemy that they are naturally suspicious.”

“Politicians who have sought to use the natives simply as so many tools have deceived them. When they understand from the lips of disinterested men and patriots what annexation means, and become acquainted with the benefits that it will bring them, they will be as much in favor of the movement as any of our other classes of citizens.”

“They are naturally somewhat prejudiced against (the Provisional Government), as monarchy is the only form of Government with which they are familiar, but this feeling will quickly wear away as the Hawaiians are led to see that the Government is friendly to them and their interests. They already have confidence in the integrity and patriotism of President Dole.”

“I have repeatedly (advocated annexation to the United States) in public meetings held in this city. … but I am compelled to move cautiously or I shall lose my influence over them. I believe I am doing a good work by constantly conversing with them on the subject.

“I have told my countrymen that the monarchy is gone forever, and when they ask me what is the best thing to follow it I tell them annexation, and I firmly believe that in a very short time every Hawaiian will be in favor of that step.” (Wilcox interview with Hoes; Reports of Committees of the Senate of the United States, 1893-1894)

“Washington. July 3 (1901). Delegate Wilcox, of Hawaii, announces here that at the very opening of the next session of Congress in December he will introduce a bill granting statehood to the territory of Hawaii. Mr. Wilcox says that he does not fully expect that the bill will become a law next winter, but he predicts early statehood for the territory.”

“‘Of course I realize,’ says Mr. Wilcox, ‘that this proposition will meet with opposition on the ground that we have but recently been incorporated Into a territory and that we should wait, but I shall Introduce the bill just the same and commence working upon it.’”

“Mr. Wilcox also says that he is going to introduce a bill to provide for the laying of a cable between Honolulu and San Francisco as soon as Congress meets. There are several bills of that sort already on tap, but another will do little harm.”

“The statehood bill that Mr. Wilcox says he is going to bring forward will result In nothing but a discussion of the political conditions In Hawaii. There is no chance whatever that during the term for which Mr. Wilcox has been elected to sit in Congress he can get a statehood bill through for the territory.”

“Arizona and New Mexico have for years been trying for statehood, and they are today apparently as far from it as ever, although the Congressional committees have again and again recommended the passage of the bills.”

“In the case of Hawaii more objections than Mr. Wilcox has mentioned will be raised. I remember that before the Hawaiian annexation resolution was passed Senator Hoar, of Massachusetts, went to the White House one day and told the President that he would let that resolution go through if it could be understood that Hawaii should not be admitted into the Union as a State.”

“Hoar wanted that incorporated into the annexation resolution. This could not be done, because It would have been unconstitutional. But the promise was then and there given that if Hawaii should apply for statehood she would be refused for years to come, and that is the general understanding of the matter In Washington.”

“Expansion would not have taken place on so broad a scale if it had been understood that an application would so soon come from one of the island possessions for Statehood. Porto Rico is almost possibly not quite as well qualified for statehood as is Hawaii.”

“The island of Luzon with the city of Manila, is about as well qualified from the standpoint of general civilization and enlightenment as is Hawaii. The bars will not be let down for a long time to come to any of these territories.”

“It will take a very long probationary period to qualify the Territory of Hawaii for statehood in the minds of the American government officials. The recent political dildoes that have been cut there do not help the case.”

“Dole and his outfit have put Hawaii fifty years further from statehood than it was on the day that Congress finally passed a resolution annexing the Islands to the United States. Their continuation in office there for a few years more will put Hawaii everlastingly outside the pale of American political civilization.”

“The Administration thought when It annexed Hawaii, that it had got an asset: it finds that with Dole thrown in, Hawaii is a political liability. E. S. L.” (Honolulu Republican, July 17, 1901)

“What we are all looking forward to is Statehood and anything that will lead toward that end must be helped along by us. We will not mind much about the Governor then for it will be the people who will be paramount.” (Delegate Wilcox’s Impassioned Address to Hawaiians, The Independent, July 10, 1902)

Wilcox ran for re-election, but lost to Republican Prince Jonah Kūhiō Kalanianaʻole Piʻikoi (Prince Kūhiō served from 1903 until his death in 1922.)

Wilcox returned to Washington to finish out his term (November 6, 1900 to March 3, 1903,) but was very ill. He came back to Hawaiʻi in 1903, and died October 26, 1903. He is buried in the Catholic cemetery on King Street.

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August 17, 2018 by Peter T Young 2 Comments

Young America

Manifest Destiny was the widely held belief that American settlers were destined to expand throughout the continent. In part, the stage was first set in 1803 when President Thomas Jefferson negotiated the 828,000-square mile Louisiana Purchase from France.

Journalist John L O’Sullivan wrote an article in 1839 and predicted a “divine destiny” for the US, “This is our high destiny, and in nature’s eternal, inevitable decree of cause and effect we must accomplish it. All this will be our future history, to establish on earth the moral dignity and salvation of man.”

Later, ‘Young America’ was the name adopted by the liberal, expansionist movement within the Democratic party that was sympathetic to nationalist and republican movements in Europe. (LOC)

The phrase ‘Young America’ connoted territorial and commercial expansion of the US. During the years leading up to the Civil War, it permeated various parts of the Democratic party, producing new perspectives in the realms of economics, foreign policy, and constitutionalism.

“Historians have used the catchphrase “Young America” in several murky contexts, generating confusion about whether the name refers to a faction or a movement, a fad or a rhetorical device, or a general label for the times. The term “Young America” in fact stood for all of these things.” (Eyal)

Loosely united by a generational affiliation, New Democrats referred to themselves as “young Democrats,” “progressive Democrats,” or simply as “Young America.”

Led by figures such as Senator Stephen A Douglas of Illinois and editor John L O’Sullivan of New York, Young America Democrats gained power during the late 1840s and early 1850s.

They challenged a variety of orthodox Jacksonian assumptions, influencing both the nation’s foreign policy and its domestic politics. (Eyal)

Franklin Pierce, US President from 1853-1857, was in line with the Young America agenda, emphasizing expansion. He signed the Gadsden Purchase in December 30 1853, adding about 30,000-acres of land (of what is now the southern boundary of Arizona). (Berkin, Miller & Cherny)

By one means or another, Pierce also sought to acquire Hawaii, Santo Domingo, and Alaska. (NPS) Young America and Pierce’s expansion thought came to the Islands. It was a time other countries were causing concern of takeover in the Islands.

In February 6, 1854, an order of the King to Wyllie noted, “that plans are on foot inimical (unfavorable) to the peace of Our Kingdom and the welfare of our people, and such as if carried out would be wholly subversive of Our Sovereignty, and would reduce Us to the most deplorable of all states, a state of anarchy …”

“Whereas, exigencies (emergencies) may arise of such a nature as to render it imperative upon Us, for the security of the just rights of Our chiefs and people, that We should seek the alliance of the United States of America.”

“We Do Hereby command you, Our Minister of Foreign Relations, to take such immediate steps as may be necessary and proper, by negotiation or otherwise, to ascertain the views of the United States in relation to the Annexation thereto of these Islands …”

“… and also the terms and conditions upon which the same can be affected, with the object of being fully prepared to meet any sudden danger that may arise, threatening the existence or independence of Our Kingdom.” (Signed by the King and Keoni Ana (Kuhina Nui))

Subsequent instructions from the King to Wyllie (February 21, 1854) noted, “You will immediately enter upon a negotiation ad referendum with the Commissioners of the United States of America, in case of necessity, and which shall fully secure Our rights and the rights of Our chiefs and people …”

“When the treaty ad referendum as aforesaid, is completed, you will submit the same to Us, which will be subject to Our approval, modification or rejection; and in case We shall deem it wise and necessary, to submit it to the Representatives of Our people, subject also to their approval.” (Signed by King Kamehameha III, and approved by Prince Liholiho, Keoni Ana and all the Ministers)

“On the 4th of July, 1854, the foreign community expressed their hopes of annexation by a grand celebration of the day. A car, decorated with evergreens, in which were seated thirty-two girls of American parentage, dressed in white, wreathed in flowers, each bearing the name of a State on her sash, in large gold letters, was drawn by a power unseen.”

“Next followed ‘Young America,’ a company of very young men in uniform, with another triumphal chariot, on which was placed a beautiful boy, the very personification of health, strength, and beauty. ‘Young Hawaii’ was in tow, and represented by a boat gaily trimmed, in which were eight young native lads, fancifully dressed, and carelessly eating sugar-cane.”

“The procession marched through the principal streets to the stone church, where an eloquent address was delivered by the American Commissioner, in which it was more than hinted that a new star was about to be added to the glorious constellation.” (Judd)

As noted above, “a Treaty is about concluded … (for Hawaiʻi’s) annexation to the United States … The only unsettled question in relation to the annexation is, whether the Islands shall come in as a Territory or a State.” (New York Daily Tribune, July 20, 1854)

The Annexation Treaty was never finalized, “The signatures were yet wanting; His Majesty (Kamehameha III) more determined and impatient than ever, when he was taken suddenly ill, and died in three weeks (December 15, 1854.)” (Judd)

His adopted son and heir, Alexander Liholiho, was immediately proclaimed king, under the title of Kamehameha IV. Soon afterwards he expressed his wish that the negotiations that had been begun with Mr Gregg should be broken off, which was done. (Alexander)

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August 16, 2018 by Peter T Young Leave a Comment

James O’Meara

James O’Meara was born of Irish parentage in the City of New York, on June 22, 1825 to Timothy and Mary O’Meara, of County Cork, Ireland.

At four he began his school life in the “sandboard class” of the old-time “infant school”; when he had completed the course in the infant school, where only reading and writing were taught, he went to private schools until ready for college. He received his college education at Williams College.

His father never considered him too young to listen to great men talk; so when Daniel Webster was pouring forth all that magnificent eloquence of which he was master, Timothy O’Meara took his little boy to hear and to meet the great man.

When the boy grew to manhood, he recalled his childish elation when Webster, while talking to a group of friends, unconsciously placed his hands upon the soft, curly, brown head of the little boy standing beside him, then looked down and said, as he patted the head: ‘Here is a head that should count some day. I think when you grow up you will be a writer, my boy.’

This experience, perhaps, more than any other influence in his life, aroused the desire that led James O’Meara to make political journalism his life work.

When he was nineteen years of age his brother Maurice, the eldest of nine children, died in South America. The father sent James, his second son, on the sad mission of finding and returning with the body.

The death of Maurice necessitated a journey other than that to South America, for now James became the eldest son and as such became the heir to certain estates in Ireland.

As soon as he was twenty-one his father took him back to the old lands, where certain business affairs required his signature. This trip gave him glimpses of life in the Old World, the vivid recollections of which never forsook him.

Upon his return to New York he became interested in New York politics and newspaper work. His familiarity with life in the great city made both most attractive to him.

But politics claimed more and more of his interest, and though so young a man, his skill with both pen and tongue won for him a place in the New York Legislature.

Just what might have been his career had he remained in New York will never be known, for the news of the wondrous El Dorado was beginning to set the spirit of unrest at work in those filled with the ardor of youth, and he, too, was aglow with the desire to see this glorious new land of gold.

His home ties were of the strongest, for he was of the most affectionate and social nature, but the fascination of the new life “around the Horn” impelled him to leave home and a promising career in New York for the West.

On March 8, 1849, the stout bark Palmetto sailed out of the harbor bearing an enthusiastic throng. For one hundred and ninety-three days she sailed down the Atlantic and up the Pacific. September 17, 1849, the bark reached the long-looked-for haven and James O’Meara was in California.

Like thousands of others he sought the excitement of the gold fields, but soon returned to the more attractive life in San Francisco. He wrote for the Times and Transcript and was soon associated with those interested in politics.

There was no man who won so much of his affectionate loyalty as did Dr. Wm. M. Gwin. It was his misfortune to be blind to the disastrous influence of this man whose cause he so devotedly espoused. He saw in this master of political manipulation a hero whom he idealized and idolized.

With his ardent and affectionate admiration so thoroughly aroused, he set about to do his utmost to serve one in whose integrity of character he had not the shadow of a doubt. It was this intimate association with Dr. Gwin that gave him the opportunity to write his history of the most famous political episode in California with such accuracy.

A frequent guest in the Gwin household, he felt their interests as his own. He wrote “Broderick and Gwin” that the election of Gwin and Broderick as senators from California.

In 1854 the government sent commissioners to the Hawaiian Islands to negotiate with the king in regard to annexation. Of this commission James O’Meara was a member.

After several months spent upon the islands, the commissioners finally succeeded in bringing matters to the point where all that was necessary was to secure the signature of the king.

The hour for this was set at twelve o’clock the following morning, and then the commissioners were to sail for the United States on the vessel awaiting them in the harbor.

But before eleven o’clock the following morning the king was dead. Prince Liholiho, or Alexander, became king, the treaty remained unsigned, and annexation was delayed for decades.

Leaving Mr. David C. Gregg, an old friend then serving as United States commissioner to the islands, the disappointed commissioners returned to San Francisco. Again. O’Meara plunged into political affairs on the continent.

The closing years of his life were spent in his home. No literary work of any sort came from the fingers too enfeebled to write, for at least three years. He spent his days reading and re-reading books, old and new, and the countless newspapers and magazines that every mail brought to his table.

A gentleman of the old school, his gentle, chivalrous and affectionate demeanor in his household had produced a home of unusual happiness. Always hopeful, always cheerful, the devoted husband and father had earned and spent freely to make his family happy. (All here is from Frances L. O’Meara, his daughter; Journal of the American-Irish Historical Society, 1917)

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January 26, 2018 by Peter T Young Leave a Comment

Object of the Māhele

“The object of the Māhele was to ensure that in the event of annexation, Kamehameha III and other elite Hawaiians would not be dispossessed of their landholdings.”

“The strategy was to convert those landholdings into a legal form that would be recognized by an incoming colonial government – whether American, British, or French – as private property.” (Banner)

This falls back to the concept of the ‘Law of Nations’ – “Hobbes was … the first who gave a distinct, though imperfect idea, of the law of nations. He divides the law of nature into that of man, and that of states: and the latter is, according to him, what we usually call the law of nations.”

“‘The maxims,’ he adds, ‘of each of these laws are precisely the same: but as states, once established, assume personal properties, that which is termed the natural law, when we speak of the duties of individuals, is called the law of nations when applied to whole nations or states.’” (Law of Nations, 1844)

“The general usage now is not to touch private property upon land, without making compensation, unless in special cases dictated by the necessary operations of war, or when captured in places carried by storm, and which repelled all the overtures for a capitulation.” (Kent, 1826)

The matter was of serious interest to Kamehameha III …

“Only those lands belonging to the government could be confiscated in the event of conquest by an invading country. This was undoubtedly on the mind of Kamehameha III as discussed on December 18th, 1847 in Privy Council, ‘if a Foreign Power should take the Islands what lands would they respect?’”

“Recognition as a nation-state in 1843 prevented the legal colonization of Hawai‘i but Kamehameha III was well aware of the threat of imperialism. The acquisition of another state’s territory through conquest was not outlawed in international law until the Kellogg-Briand Pact in 1929. This topic was discussed in Privy Council on December 18th, 1847:” (Preza)

“The King remarked before this rule was passed if his lands were merely entered in a Book, the Government lands also in a Book and all private allodial titles in a Book, if a Foreign Power should take the Islands what lands would they respect.”

“Would they take possession of his lands?”

“Mr. Wyllie replied that after the recognition of His Majesty’s Independence by the United States, Great Britain and France, and the engagement of the two latter powers near to take possession of any part of the Islands, he thought the danger adverted to by the King was exceedingly remote.”

“Those Great Powers held the World in check, and they were not likely to permit that any other Powers should take a possession of the Islands which they bound themselves not to take.”

“So long as the King, as hitherto, governed his Kingdom justly and with due regard to the rights of all Foreigners and to the laws of Nations, no Nation could have a plea to seize the Islands.”

“Mr. Lee gave it as his opinion, that except in the case of resistance to, and conquest by, any foreign power the King’s right to his private lands would be respected.”

“The King said unless it were so, he would prefer having no lands whatever, but he asked during the French Revolution were not the King’s lands confiscated?”

“Mr. Wyllie replied they were confiscated, but that was by the King’s own rebellious subjects, and it was to prevent such a risk here, that he regreted that Mr. Lee had not added to his rules one to the effect that in the event of Treason to, or rebellion against, the King, all lands of the King, held by Chiefs Landlords or whomsoever should ipso facto revert to the King.”

“The King observed that he would prefer that his private lands should be registered not in a separate Book, but in the same Book as all other allodial Titles, and that the only separate Book, should be that of the Government lands.” (Privy Council Minutes, December 18, 1847)

“In our opinion, while it was clearly the intention of Kamehameha III to protect the lands which he reserved to himself out of the domain which had been acquired by his family through the prowess and skill of his father, the conqueror, from the danger of being treated as public domain or Government property …”

“… it was also his intention to provide that those lands should descend to his heirs and successors, the future wearers of the crown which the conqueror had won; and we understand the act of 7th June, 1848, as having secured both those objects.”

“Under that act the lands descend in fee, the inheritance being limited however to the successors to the throne, and each successive possessor may regulate and dispose of the same according to his will and pleasure, as private property, in like manner as was done by Kamehameha III.” (Hawaii Supreme Court, Addressing Estate of Kamehameha IV 1864)

“The Māhele did not provide much land to Hawaiian commoners, but it was not supposed to. The Māhele was a means by which the Hawaiian elite hoped to preserve its eliteness under colonial rule, by holding on to its land.” (Banner)

The first māhele, or division, of lands was signed on January 27, 1848; the last māhele was signed on March 7, 1848.

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January 18, 2018 by Peter T Young 1 Comment

Nationality of Membership in Annexation Club

We are often told that American businessmen overthrew Queen Lili‘uokalani and the Hawai‘i Constitutional Monarchy.

The fact is, the organizers of the overthrow, the Committee of Safety, were made up of 6-Hawaiian citizens (naturalized or by birth,) 5-Americans, 1-Scotsman and 1-German. (They were all residents of Hawai‘i and registered voters. None were missionaries; only 3 of the 13 had any link to the American Protestant missionaries.)

Shortly after the overthrow, “An association has recently been formed here known as the Annexation Club.” Various regional Annexation Clubs formed in several communities.

There were: “Hawaii annexation clubs. Hilo, North Kohala, South Kona, Ho‘okena, Napo‘opo‘o, Kapalilua. Maui annexation club. Wailuku. Kauai annexation clubs. Lehui, Waimea, Kealia. I would also state that we have lists in the Hamakua District on Hawaii, the Lahaina, Hana, and Paia districts on Maui, and at Kaluaaha on Molokai.” (JW Jones May 15, 1893)

“The first steps to form this association were taken on the 21st of this month, and its membership now includes some 2,000 of the residents of this city, who are, it is believed, fully representative of the intelligence and respectability, as well as of the material interests of this community.” (Resolution of Annexation Club, March 31, 1893; Blount Report)

“The majority of those who have joined the organization have done so after careful consideration and because it is their firm conviction that the country can no longer maintain a good and stable independent government.”

“Numerous reasons may be given for this, but I will state only a few of the more prominent.”

1) “The unfitness of a majority of the voters for representatives in this country to have the franchise and use it for upright and progressive government.”
2) “A growing jealousy among the natives of foreigners, who, they feel, are acquiring the property and business of the country.”
3) “The diversified foreign population of the country, who come from all parts of the world. This population consists of all classes of men who come here for different purposes, a great many to make what they can out of the country and then leave.” (HP Baldwin to Blount, April 25, 1893; Blount Report)

As with the diversity of nationalities of the folks orchestrating the overthrow, so was the make-up of the Annexation Club (July 9, 1893):

By the end of September 1893, the number of Hawaiians on the roster of the Annexation Club surpassed the Americans; then, the top three were noted as:

“A large number of the members of this association were not actually concerned in the establishment of the present Government, but all the members are convinced that it is essential to the safety and security of life and property in the Hawaiian Islands, and to the permanent welfare of the people here, that this country shall become an integral portion of the American Union.”

“The need of a strong permanent Government to steady political passions, and keep this community free from dangers both of internal discord and foreign interference, has become apparent to all of us, and we look forward with earnest hope to the time when Hawaii can enter the great Republic.”

“We have learned with profound satisfaction that President Cleveland has appointed you to visit these islands, as we understand, for the purpose of investigating their political conditions and needs.”

“We are confident that the most searching examination and analysis will disclose the fact that the present Government was established as a matter of necessity and duty, in the interest of humanity as well as of civilization, and not as a scheme to promote the selfish objects of any set or clique.”

“The head of the recent Government having disavowed her obligations to the only authority under which she held power, the constitution of 1887, and having publicly announced her solemn intention to govern by royal proclamation and not by law, the only course to follow to preserve the body politic was to establish this Government in the interests of law and order.”

“It is the hope of the members of this association that a treaty of annexation may soon be accomplished between Hawaii and the United States, which, while securing all the safeguards of a free and stable government to all native aboriginal Hawaiians as well as to those of foreign ancestry, will entail no burdens on the United States, but on the contrary will be a source of additional strength and satisfaction.”

“We are aware, Mr. Commissioner, that your own views on any of these matters will depend on the result of the observations and inquiries which you will make during your visit here, and that our call upon you must be regarded as entirely informal and unofficial.” (Resolution of Annexation Club, March 31, 1893; Blount Report)

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Iolani Palace, circa 1889