Hawaiian Traditions | Page 3 | Images of Old Hawaiʻi

May 23, 2019 by Peter T Young Leave a Comment

Holokū and Mu‘umu‘u

In pre-contact Hawaii, the predominant form of dress for women was the pā‘ū.

This consisted of a rectangular piece of kapa (or tapa, which was fabricated from the inner bark of wauke (paper mulberry) trees) that was wrapped several times around the waist and extended from beneath the bust (for royalty) or the waistline (for commoners) to the knee (it looked like a hula skirt.)

After contact (and particularly in the early-1800s with the start of the sandalwood trade in 1810 and then the whaling industry,) fabrics made of silk, satin and gingham began to replace the kapa fabric for the pa‘u. This was especially true among the Ali’i.

An even more important change in dress began in the 1820s with the coming of the New England missionaries, who sought to cover the bodies of Hawaiian women, who traditionally wore nothing more than the skirt.

The missionary wives modified their New England-style dresses to adapt to the hot, humid environment. They replaced the high waistline of Western fashion with a yoke.

The end result was a basic design (referred to as a “Mother Hubbard”) which was simply a full, straight skirt attached to a yoke with a high neck and tight sleeves.

The missionaries established women’s societies that advanced the notion of modesty.

The diaries of missionary women report that Hawaiian women who had been Christianized adopted the holokū as daily dress by 1822 and it became standard dress of all Hawaiian women as early as 1838.

“All the women wore the native dress, the sack or holokū, many of which were black, blue, green, or bright rose color, some were bright yellow, a few were pure white, and others were a mixture of orange and scarlet.” Isabella Bird 1894

“At first the holokū, which is only a full, yoke nightgown, is not attractive, but I admire it heartily now, and the sagacity of those who devised it.”

“It conceals awkwardness, and befits grace of movement; it is fit for the climate, is equally adapted for walking and riding, and has that general appropriateness which is desirable in costume.” (Isabella Bird, 1894)

Various stories place the naming of the garment very early in its creation. According to one, the term holokū was created from two Hawaiian words, holo meaning to go, and kū meaning to stop.

Wearing the garment for the first time, the Hawaiian women are reported to have said “Holo! Kū!” Very roughly translated, this means “We can run in it – we can stand!”

The more commonly cited explanation for the term, holokū, suggest native seamstresses, when sewing their dresses, would say “holo!”(run) as they turned the wheel to operate the sewing machine, and “kū” (stop) when they wished to stop at the end of a seam. Consequently, these two words were connected and the term is explained.

The holokū was worn with a loose-fitting undergarment, the mu‘umu‘u (meaning cut-off, shortened.) Eventually, the mu‘umu‘u came to be worn as an outer garment, as well.

The muʻumuʻu in the early days was a dress for home wear. It was made full and unfitted with high or low neck and long or short sleeves

It is the more comfortable muʻumuʻu that has challenged the present day designers to create many variations for home, street and party wear.

Although it originated in Hawaii in the 1820s as a loose gown without a waistline or train and was worn for everyday wear, the holokū today is a long formal gown with a train.

For formal events, and other celebrations related to Hawaiian culture and ethnicity, the holokū is the quintessential Hawaiian gown.

While both holokū and mu‘umu‘u continue to be very important in Hawai‘i, it is the mu‘umu‘u that is regarded by most of the world as Hawaiian dress and the holokū that is practically unknown outside of Hawai’i.

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May 21, 2019 by Peter T Young Leave a Comment

Abolition of the Kapu

“Kapihe the seer prophesied in the presence of Kamehameha and said, ‘There shall be a long malo reaching from Kuamo‘o to Hōlualoa. The islands shall come together, the tabus shall fall. The high shall be brought low, and the low shall rise to heaven.’”

“The prophecy was fufilled when the battle was fought at Kuamo‘o for the downfall of the ancient tabus. Hōlualoa was the long malo uniting the kingdom from Kahiki to Hawaii. The kingdom of the gods fell, and the believers rose to the heavens.”

“The tabu of the chief and the eating tabu were different in character. The eating tabu belonged to the tabus of the gods; it was forbidden by the god and held sacred by all. It was this tabu that gave the chiefs their high station. The tabu of the chief had to do with his birth as a ni‘aupio, pi‘o, wohi or some other rank and included many tabus within the tabu of the chief.”

“It was believed that by faithfully preserving these tabus a child born into one of these ranks would become like a god (like me ke akua). Because he observed the tabus of the chiefs Kamehameha became a conqueror and went from one victory to another until he had united the group under him, although he had not so high a tabu as his son Liholiho.”

“An extraordinary event marked the period of Liholiho’s rule in the breaking down of the ancient tabus, the doing away with the power of the kahunas to declare tabus and to offer sacrifices, and the abolition of the tabu which forbade eating with women.”

“God alone knows what brought about this abolition of the old and the introduction of the new form of worship.
• The death of Kamehameha (May 8, 1819) was the first step in the ending of the tabu;
• the second was the modifying of the mourning ceremonies;
• the third, the ending of the tabu of the chief;
• the fourth, the ending of carrying the tabu chiefs in the arms and feeding them;
• the fifth, the ruling chief’s decision to introducing free eating (‘ainoa) after the death of Kamehameha;
• the sixth, the cooperation of his aunts, Ka‘ahumanu and Kaheiheimalie;
• the seventh, the joint action of the chiefs in eating together at the suggestion of the ruling chief, so that free eating became an established fact and the credit of establishing the custom went to the ruling chief.”

“This custom was not so much of an innovation as might be supposed. In old days the period of mourning at the death of a ruling chief who had been greatly beloved was a time of license.”

“The women were allowed to enter the heiau, to eat bananas, coconuts, and pork, and to climb over the sacred places. … Free eating followed the death of the ruling chief; after the period of mourning was over the new ruler placed the land under a new tabu following old lines.”

“The custom of the tabu upon free eating was kept up because in old days it was believed that the ruler who did not proclaim the tabu had not long to rule. If he attempted to continue the practice of free eating he was quickly disinherited. It was regarded as an impious act practiced by those alone who did not believe in a god.”

“The chief who kept up the ancient tabus was known as a worshiper of the god, one who would live a long life protected by Ku and Lono. He would be like a ward of Kane and Kanaloa, sheltered within the tabu.”

“The tabu eating was a fixed law for chiefs and commoners, not because they would die by eating tabu things, but in order to keep a distinction between things permissible to all people and those dedicated to the gods.”

“The ten days necessary for the cleaning of Kamehameha’s bones had passed, and they had been brought to the tower (‘anu‘u) within the heiau built for them where the receptacle (ka‘ai) was woven in which they were to be deposited.”

“[After this had been done] Liholiho, the heir to the kingdom, returned from Kawaihae to Kailua with his company of chiefs, and the days of mourning were ended. On May (Kaelo) 21, 1819, in the twenty-first year of his age, Liholiho began to rule over the people”.

“Liholiho returned by canoe to Kailua, and the next day Ka‘ahumanu proclaimed him king. Keōpūolani then looked at the young chief and put her hand to her mouth as a sign for free eating.”

“This was a strange thing for a tabu chiefess to do, one for whom these tabus were made and who had the benefit of them. How could those to whom the tabu rank did not belong object after that?”

“In the afternoon she ate with Kauikeaouli, and it was through her influence alone that the eating tabu was freed. No one else dared eat with her by day because of her tabu, which was so strict that even Kamehameha had been obliged to uncover and remove his loin cloth in her presence; only at night was it less severe.”

“Then Liholiho on his first night of his arrival ate some of the tabu dog meat free only to the chiefesses; he entered the lauhala house free only to them; whatever he desired he reached out for; everything was supplied, even those things generally to be found only in a tabu house.”

“The people saw the men drinking rum with the women kahu and smoking tobacco, and thought it was to mark the ending of the tabu of the chief. The chiefs saw with satisfaction the ending of the chief’s tabu and the freeing of the eating tabu.”

“The kahu said to the chief, ‘Make eating free over the whole kingdom from Hawaii to Oahu and let it be extended to Kauai!’ and Liholiho consented.”

“Then pork to be eaten free was taken to the country districts and given to commoners, both men and women, and free eating was introduced all over the group.”

“Messengers were sent to Maui, Molokai, Oahu, and all the way to Kauai. Kaumuali‘i consented to the free eating and it was accepted on Kauai. Boki was over the land of Oahu at the time, and Oahu accepted free eating. The prophecy of Kapihe was fulfilled.”

“Many of the commoners and chiefs, even those: who had participated in free eating, and the brothers of Ka‘ahumanu themselves, wanted tabu eating. Few of the chiefs were in favor of free eating.”

After the battle of Kuamo‘o, and the deaths of Kekuaokalani and Manono, “All were finally pardoned by Liholiho and their lives spared. … This ended the armed opposition against free eating.” (All here is from Kamakau.)

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May 18, 2019 by Peter T Young 2 Comments

‘Īao

Some might feel the point of establishing a State Monument at ‘Īao Valley is to call attention to the much-photographed ‘Īao Needle – it was traditionally known as Kūkaemoku (literally ‘broken excreta.’)

The 1,200-foot-tall ‘Īao Needle (“cloud supreme”) is a basaltic core that remained after the valley’s heavy rainfall washed away the weaker stones surrounding it.

Actually, what people see is a bump on a side-ridge on the right-side of ʻIao Valley with a large protrusion that sticks up on top; it looks like a ‘needle’ of rock, but really isn’t (it’s part of the ridge).

Rainfall from Pu‘u Kukui, the summit of West Maui – at nearly 5,800-feet in the back of ‘Īao Valley, has an average annual rainfall of 364-inches per year.

Of course, this natural feature is interesting and important; but here are some other pieces of history that make ‘Īao even more important in the history of Hawai‘i.

First, the distance past.

From the highest peak of Pu‘u Kukui to the shoreline of Kahului Bay, the ahupua‘a (land division) of Wailuku was a favorite place of Ali‘i and a ruling center of Maui. ‘Īao Valley is part of the ahupua‘a.

For centuries, high chiefs and navigators from across the archipelago were buried in secret, difficult-to-access sites in the valley’s steep walls.

‘Iao Valley became a “hallowed burying place for ancient chiefs” and is the first place mentioned in the historical legends as a place for the secret burials of high chiefs. (Thrum)

Because this was sacred ground, commoners were not permitted to enter the valley, except for the Makahiki festival.

Some suggest the last burial was in 1736, with the burial of King Kekaulike.

Then, in the late-1780s into 1790, Kamehameha conquered the Island of Hawai‘i and was pursuing conquest of Maui and eventually sought conquer the rest of the archipelago.

At that time, Maui’s King Kahekili and his eldest son and heir-apparent, Kalanikūpule, were carrying on war and conquered O‘ahu.

In 1790, Kamehameha travelled to Maui. Hearing this, Kahekili sent Kalanikūpule back to Maui with a number of chiefs (Kahekili remaining on O‘ahu to maintain order of his newly conquered kingdom.)

After a battle in Hana, Kamehameha landed at Kahului and then marched on to Wailuku, where Kalanikūpule waited for him.

The ensuing battle was one of the hardest contested on Hawaiian record. The battle started in Wailuku and then headed up ‘l̄ao Valley – the Maui defenders being continually driven farther up the valley.

Kamehameha’s superiority in the number and use of the newly acquired weapons and canon (called Lopaka) from the ‘Fair American’ (used for the first time in battle, with the assistance from John Young and Isaac Davis) finally won the decisive battle at ‘Īao Valley.

Arguably, the cannon and people who knew how to effectively use it were the pivotal factors in the battle. Had the fighting been in the usual style of hand-to-hand combat, the forces would have likely been equally matched.

The Maui troops were completely annihilated, and it is said that the corpses of the slain were so many as to choke up the waters of the stream of ‘l̄ao – one of the names of the battle was “Kepaniwai” (the damming of the waters.)

Maui Island was conquered and its fighting force was destroyed – Kalanikūpule and some other chiefs escaped over the mountain at the back of the valley and made their way to O‘ahu (to later face Kamehameha, again; the next time at the Battle of Nu‘uanu in 1795.)

After the battle at ‘Iao, Kamehameha received Keōpūolani as his wife. Kamehameha left for Moloka‘i to secure it under his control, before proceeding to O‘ahu.

Then, in 1795, Kamehameha moved on in his conquest of O‘ahu.

Today, ‘Iao Valley State Monument is operated under DLNR’s State Parks system. It is at the end of ‘Iao Valley Road (Highway 32.) Free parking for Hawai‘i residents, $5 per car for others (open 7 am to 7 pm.)

A paved walking trail provides a scenic viewpoint of Kuka’emoku; a short paved loop trail meanders through an ethnobotanical garden adjacent to ‘Iao stream.

“‘lao stands without rival, as the loveliest spot in these tropical isles placed in the midsummer sea, or as Mark Twain has lovingly called it, ‘The loveliest fleet of islands that lie anchored in any Ocean’ …”

“… for seek throughout the four corners of the lands of the Kamehamehas, you will never find a place with such incomparable environment of lofty peaks, giant lehua trees, with blossoms of rosy hues glistening in the glare of the noonday sun, and deep canyons through which the mighty waters run down, as here in lao.” (Field)

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May 12, 2019 by Peter T Young Leave a Comment

Pā‘aiea Pond

It is said there once was a very large fishpond extending from Ka‘elehuluhulu, adjoining the region of Mahai‘ula (now part of Ke Kahakai State Park,) running south past Ka-Lae-O-Keāhole to as far south as Wawaloli on the boundary of ‘O‘oma (the beach park within the Natural Energy Laboratory,) in North Kona on the Big Island.

This is the present area of Kona International Airport.

This fishpond, known as Pā‘aiea, was reportedly three-miles long and a mile-and- a-half wide; it was the large fishpond of Kamehameha.

The pond was so large that fishermen going to Kailua and further South, often took a short cut by taking their canoes into the pond and going across, thus saving time against the strong sea breeze and current from Keāhole.

There was a famous saying about this fishpond: O na hoku o ka lani, o Pā‘aiea ko lalo – The stars are above, Pā‘aiea below.

The reason for this saying was because of its exceptionally large size. Within the wide waters of this pond were numerous little islets that were compared to the stars in the heavens.

“Pā‘aiea was a great pond almost like the ponds of Wainanalii and Kiholo. In the olden days, when the great ruling chiefs were living, and when these fish ponds were full of the riches of Awa, Anae, and Ahole, along with all sorts of fish which swam within.”

“During that time, Konohiki were stationed, and he was the guard of the pond that watched over the pond and all things, as here we are talking about Pā‘aiea Pond which was destroyed by lava and became pahoehoe lava which remains today”.

“In the correct and trues story of this pond, its boundaries began from Kaelehuluhulu on the north and on the south was at the place called Wawaloli, and the distance from one end to the other was 3 miles or more, and that was the length of this pond …”

“… and today within these boundaries, there are a number of pools [lua wai loko] remaining during this time that the writer is speaking before the readers of the Hoku.”

“The great Overseer [Konohiki] who cared for this pond was Kepaalani, and everything fell under him: the storehouses [hale papaa] where poi and fish were stored, the halau for the fishing canoes, the nets and all thing, and from him the fishermen and the retainers of the court would obtain their sustenance.”

“And at this time when the pond was destroyed by lava, Kamehameha was residing in Hilo for the purpose of waging war, and this war was called Kaipalaoa …”

“… during this war, Namakehaikalani died and was offered atop the Heiau of Piihonua in Hilo; and this was Kamehameha’s final war, and his enemies lived quietly without uprising once again. “

“This was the time between 1798 until 1801, and it is said that this is when lava destroyed this pond that was full of riches, and turned it into a land of pahoehoe lava which remains to this day.” (Hoku o Hawaii, 2/5/1914)

Pā‘aiea Pond was reportedly destroyed by the 1801 eruption and lava flow from Hualālai. Two parts to a story relate to the cause of its destruction.

The first suggests that one day an old woman appeared at the large canoe shed of Kepa‘alani (the konohiki or overseer of the pond.)

Another man, Kapulau, asked: “Malahini?” (newcomer)

She replied “I am a Kama‘āina, not exactly a total stranger, but I do not often come down here to the seashore. Living in the restful uplands, and hearing that there was plenty of fish down at the beach, I hastened down to see if the fishermen would give me a bit of palu.”

The konohiki replied, “”No! You cannot have fish, palu, shrimps or anything. It all belongs to the Chief, and only the Chief can give them to you.”

“Well! That is all. I now return to the uplands without even a grain of salt.” The old woman stood up and turned around to go.

When she came to Kapulau’s house, she was urged to remain and have something to eat. She consented and sat down. When she had finished her meal, Kapulau gave her a fish.

The old woman stood up, and before starting to go, she gave these instructions to her host: “Tonight, you and your wife put up a lepa (kapa cloth on end of a stick, as used to mark a taboo area) back of your house and here on your fence.” They followed her instructions.

In the second part of the story, this same old woman soon afterwards appears at a village called Manuahi which was on the Western slope of Hualālai, and where two girls who figure in this story, lived; they were roasting bread-fruit.

The name of one of these girls was Pahinahina and the name of the other was Kolomu‘o. As soon as the old woman saw then she inquired: “For whom are you roasting your bread-fruit?”

Kolomu‘o answered: “I am roasting my bread-fruit for La‘i. That is my God and the God of my parents.”

Then the old woman turned and asked Pahinahina, the other girl, “and for whom, pray, are you roasting your breadfruit?” “For Pele,” Pahinahina replies.

Then they ate the breadfruit.

Then the old woman asked Pahinahina: “Where is your house?” Pahinahina told her they shared a house, but the families lived on respective end of it. The old women then told her, “When your parents come home, you tell them to put up a lepa on the end of your part of the house.” They complied.

That night, the people living at the beach saw an eruption on Mountain of Hualālai and as they saw the lava flow they realized that the old woman whose request for fish, palu and shrimps had been refused, could have been no other than the Goddess Pele.

The lava came and destroyed the great fishpond of Pā‘aiea, dried its water and filled and covered it with black rocks.

However, two places were spared.

There remained only that very small portion of the fishpond, close to Ho‘ona (within the Natural Energy Laboratory property at Keāhole Point.)

Also, the area where Pahinahina and her family lived was left untouched, and this open space bears the name of Pahinahina to this day (it is below the old headquarters at Hu‘ehu‘e Ranch).

It is said that because of this event that the lands of Manuahi came to be called Ka-ulu-pulehu (the roasted breadfruit (‘ū is short for ‘ulu,)) and this has been shortened to Ka‘ūpūlehu.

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May 7, 2019 by Peter T Young 1 Comment

Kapihaʻā Village Interpretive Trail

He Wahi Pana O Lānaʻi – A Storied Place of Lānaʻi – the Kapihaʻā Interpretive Trail is an approximate one-mile round trip. The Kapihaʻā preservation area contains at least fifteen distinct sites, made up of more than 60 features, by which we may see how Hawaiians lived, worked and worshiped on Lānaʻi.

Interpretive signs found along the trail identify several different types of sites, including agricultural fields, residences, ceremonial sites and lithic (stone) workshops.

Sign 1 – ”Wahi Pana” are storied and sacred places on the Hawaiian landscape.
Walking the trail from this point, you will step back in time, and glimpse life on Lānaʻi prior to the arrival of westerners in 1778.

Sign 2- Kapihaʻā: Life Along The Leeward Shore Of Lānaʻi
Close to 800 years ago, native Hawaiians settled along sheltered areas of the coast line on Lānaʻi, and then extended inland where extensive dry land agricultural fields were developed.

Because water resources were limited even then, most agricultural pursuits were in the form of dry land crops planted upon the kula (plains) and under the canopy of now reduced forests that collected fog drip.

Along the trail there is evidence of permanent and temporary dwellings, agricultural plots, lithic (stone) workshops and ceremonial sites, and the ancient setting of Kapihaʻā Village.

Sign 3 – Puʻupehe Islet
Native lore describes the platform with an upright stone in it as either a burial place for a woman who bore the name of Puʻupehe, or as a shrine dedicated to the god of bird catchers.

In traditional times, sea birds were an important part of the Hawaiian diet, and koʻa (shrines) were placed on “bird islands to sustain the land with plenty of birds.”

Sign 4 – Heiau (Temple) of Kapihaʻā Village
This heiau is a significant architectural feature on the cultural landscape of Kapihaʻā. There are five features associated with the heiau, which include a walled platform, terraces and an ʻahu (altar or cairn).

The prominence of this site, and the fact that it commands an imposing view of the ocean and surrounding lands, suggests that it was a temple associated with prayers and offerings to promote the abundance of the fisheries, or perhaps to pray for rains and sustainable growth of crops on land.

Sign 5 – Dry Land Agricultural Terraces
Because of the arid nature of Lānaʻi, most of the crops grown here were adapted to the kula (open flat lands), and planted in kīhāpai, and moʻo (walled fields or shallow terraces). Passing showers born by the nāulu (southerly) breezes and the early morning kēhau (dew born upon mountain breezes) provided enough water for the plants to grow.

Both natural terraces, some of which were modified, and formal terraces, in which mulch was developed to support plant growth, may be found in this area. Crops such as ʻuala (sweet potatoes), uhi (yams), hue (gourds), lau ki (ti plants) and clumps of kō (sugarcane) could be grown here.

Sign 6 – Kauhale and Hale Pāpaʻi House Sites, Temporary Habitation Sites and Shelters
On the leeward side of Lānaʻi, Kapihaʻā and neighboring villages of the Hulopoʻe-Mānele vicinity supported a population of at least several hundred people at any given time.

The small house sites were basically shelters from bad weather, with most activities – such as making fishing gear, working on stone tools, and food preparation – occurring outside.

Poles of wood, gathered from the uplands, would have been placed upon the stone foundations of these house sites and shelters as support posts, beams and purloins. Thatching of native pili grass, leaves of loulu (pritchardia) palms, niu (coconut fronds), and leafy branches from shrubs would then be lashed to the poles on narrow cross pieces, thus providing protection from rain, cold and heat.

The house foundation has multiple terraces and separate leveled areas, each of which would have served a special use in domestic life. Generally the highest area on the upslope side was reserved for special functions associated with family worship.

Sign 7 – Koʻa, a Fisherman’s Shrine and Triangulation Station
A significant wealth of this part of Lana’i lay in its fisheries, as marine resources supplied protein for the native Hawaiian diet. In addition to fish, various pūpū (shellfish), papaʻi (crabs), and several varieties of limu (seaweeds) were also collected along the shore and from the sea. These fishery resources, together with crops from the uplands sustained the residents of Kapihaʻā over many generations.

A significant Hawaiian ceremonial site, a koʻa or fishing shrine, lies to the west of this trail, perched on a promontory overlooking the ocean and the fisherman’s trail. Portions of the koʻa have collapsed, but the large mound of coral set upon the stone foundation is symbolic of the god Kūʻula and makes this koʻa one of the most unique sites of its kind anywhere in Hawai’i.

Fishermen sought protection during fishing trips and continued abundance of the fisheries through offerings of fish, urchins, and shell fish to the gods and ʻaumakua (guardians). Offerings would again be made upon return from fishing expeditions to thank the gods for their successful catch and safe return.

Sign 8 – The Kapihaʻā Preservation Area and Interpretive Trail (Coastal Section)
Sections of the Fisherman’s Trail along this coast follow a traditional ala hele (trail) traveled by ancient Hawaiian residents of Lānaʻi for generations.

The ala hele linked coastal communities together, and provided residents with access to various resources. The ala hele that turns mauka (upland) at this point enters the ancient village site known as Kapihaʻā. (Information on the Kapihaʻā interpretive trail is from Lānaʻi Culture & Heritage Center, prepared by Kepā Maly, Kumu Pono Associates LLC.)

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