Hawaiian Traditions | Page 3 | Images of Old Hawaiʻi

October 13, 2018 by Peter T Young 1 Comment

Moʻomomi

Kaumaha i ka naulu Kaluakoi.
Laden with the summer showers is Kaluakoi.
(Kaluakoi gets rain only in the summer time.) (McElroy)

Kaluakoʻi is the largest ahupuaʻa, or land division, on the island of Molokai. With regard to ahupuaʻa, Lyons asserts that, “in populous portions the sub-division was very minute” (1875.)

Consequently, the size of the Kaluakoʻi ahupuaʻa would suggest a small population for this part of Molokai, a situation borne out by the archaeological record.

The ahupuaʻa of Kaluakoʻi literally means, the “the adze pit.” In this ahupuaʻa, high quality basalt was used to make adzes and other tools. It is well known that lithic quarries occurred on select sites in the area, notably on the summit of Maunaloa at ʻAmikopala, and on northwest Molokai at Moʻomomi and ʻIlio Point. (McElroy)

West Molokai is roughly two million years old and its long dormancy has allowed a deep lateritic soil to develop that covers most of the region. “The Desert Strip,” was coined by Chester Wentworth, who described this extensive dune system as a “barren windswept country in which eolian features are developed with exceptional clarity and vigor”.

The dominant northeast trade winds have blown sand from Moʻomomi almost completely across the northwest corner of the island creating an expansive stretch of sand dunes. The Hawaiians called this same area Keonelele, or “the flying sand.”

The main part of the Moʻomomi Dunes probably was formed during the latest ice age, when sea level was low and the reefs now submerged offshore were dry and feeding sand into the wind. Since then, slightly acidic rain has cemented some of the sand into hard limestone. (McElroy)

A recent study found that 40% of Molokai families’ food came from subsistence activities. The Hoʻolehua Hawaiian Homestead community on Molokai relies heavily for subsistence on the inshore marine resources of the Moʻomomi fishery, which falls within a twelve-mile stretch of coastline along Molokai’s north shore. (Kohala Center)

Coastal fisheries are facing severe depletion and overexploitation on a global scale and Hawai‘i is no exception.

Hui Malama o Moʻomomi cares for the land and nearshore waters along the Moʻomomi Coast on the island of Molokai. Protection of this place is to assure a reliable food source; as the community is very much subsistence-based, the ocean is their “ice box.”

Co-founder of the Hui Malama o Moʻomomi, Mac Poepoe, led the way toward educating others about the coastal resources found in Moʻomomi Bay and pono (proper) behaviors that ensure not only familial but community subsistence.

Poepoe established Hui Mālama o Moʻomomi in 1993 in order to teach younger generations the ancient practices of traditional Hawaiian fishing and how to become responsible marine citizens.

It is a local marine subsistence/sustainability grassroots organization, assisting with management on the state’s Hawaiian Homelands. The Hui oversees marine subsistence gathering and sustainability practices.

Important management lessons to learn from this are to recognize natural rhythms, do not disturb basic renewal processes, monitor (moon, season, habitat, etc) and understand the resource. As a foundation to this, we need to recognize the interconnected link between the land and the ocean.

Community-based management in the Mo‘omomi area involves observational processes and problem-solving strategies for the purpose of conservation. The system is not articulated in the manner of Western science, but relies instead on mental models.

These models foster a practical understanding of local inshore resource dynamics by the fishing community and, thus, lend credibility to unwritten standards for fishing conduct. The “code of conduct” is concerned with how people fish rather than how much they catch. (Poepoe)

Through Poepoe’s efforts, almost single-handedly, they rejuvenated Moʻomomi Beach by controlling erosion, reintroduced native plants and monitored fish populations. The beach is now rich with vegetation, and the moi are as big as small-kid time. (Cooke)

A code of conduct on appropriate behavior was designed to be true to Hawaiian values, to consider the community’s culture and be biologically sound for resource sustainability.
• Rule 1 – Take only what you need. Share your catch with others.
• Rule 2 – Reserve inshore areas for children and novice swimmers and fishermen.
• Rule 3 – Education. Utilize traditional practices and science-based methods.
• Rule 4 – Community governing board.
• Rule 5 – Malama. Care for the land; care for the people; care for all things; understand the land with the ocean.

Community members are joining with state officials to develop a designation for Molokai’s north shoreline that would sustainably support marine resources, protect traditional fishing practices, prohibit commercial harvest and facilitate community involvement in resource management decisions. (Molokai Dispatch)

The group is looking to organize a Community-based Subsistence Fishing Area along the Northwest Coast of Molokai, including Moʻomomi.

Nearby land-based management is underway through The Nature Conservancy (TNC.) Mo‘omomi Preserve was established in June of 1988 to protect the most intact coastal sand dune ecosystem in the main Hawaiian Islands.

The westernmost coastline of the preserve is characterized by sea cliffs; the remainder of the two‐mile long coastline consists of windswept sand beaches, and dunes.

The upper dune area of the preserve is known as Keonelele, “the flying sands”. Portions of the preserve dunes are lithified (sand dunes that become solidified) and are distinct in geological appearance and native strand. (TNC)

Moʻomomi is a nesting location for wedge-tailed shearwater seabirds, or ʻuaʻu kani in Hawaiian. TNC is taking an active role in protecting these ground-nesting birds from feral cats and dogs, as well as promoting scientific study.

Moʻomomi is a breeding and nesting area for the Hawaiian green sea turtle, or honu in Hawaiian, and they are actively monitored by TNC staff and volunteers. It is believed that the females return to lay eggs on the same beach where she was hatched and may live as long as 100 years, though its life span is not known for sure. (McElroy)

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Cave at Moomomi Preserve, Molokai

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Kawa’aloa Beach Mo’omomi Moloka’i-kyle

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Moomomi

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October 6, 2018 by Peter T Young Leave a Comment

Hula in Relation to Planting and Harvest

“Hula dancing was enjoyed everywhere during these festivities commemorating Lono. Some ancient hula chants may be interpreted as rain-making incantations. Here are several verses that refer to Hilo, one of the rainiest inhabited localities on the island of Hawaii: Hi‘u o Lani

“Heaven magic, fetch a Hilo-pour from heaven!
Morn’ cloud-buds, look! They swell in the East.
The rain-cloud parts, Hilo is deluged with rain,
The Hilo of King Hana-kahi.

Surf breaks, stirs the mire of Pi’ilani;
The bones of Hilo are broken
By the blows of the rain.
Ghostly the rain-scud of Hilo in heaven;

The cloud-forms of Pua-lani grow and thicken.
The rain-priest bestirs him now to go forth,
Forth to observe the stab and thrust of the rain,
The rain that clings to the roof of Hilo.”

(”Pua-Iani (Sky-flower) was the god who was seen as the rosy clouds of morning, a sign of rain.”)

“Laka, the goddess of the wildwood who was patron of the hula, was said to have been the wife and sister of Lana. The lines that follow are from the chant that dedicated the altar of the Halau Hula (Hall of Hula) in which the sacred and traditional hula was taught.”

“On the altar Laka was represented by a block of lama (which means light) wood covered by a yellow tapa cloth, and its decorations consisted of wild growth from the uplands …”

“… fragrant maile, orange-red and flamelike blossoms of ‘ie‘ie, deep red flowers of hala-pepe, scarlet blossoms of lehua which are like little pompoms, pinkish red mountain apples (‘ōhi‘a ‘ai) , many varieties of fern, flowers of hibiscus and hau, red-orange ‘ilima flowers, ti plants, bananas, and breadfruits.”

“According to Kawena Pukui there were five of the above which must be used without fail : (1) ‘Ōhi‘a lehua (branch and blooms); (2) hala pepe (branch and blossom); (3) maile (any kind); (4) ‘ie‘ie (branch with blossom); and (5) palapalai fern. Other foliage and flowers were used when available.”

“Possibly the origin of hula dancing, which is fundamentally a treading motion of the feet accompanied by rhythmical swinging of the hips and hand gestures …”

“… which express the words of the chant while the shoulders and head are held in poise, is to be found in the treading (hehi) of the earth in a newly made taro patch, or lo‘i (to make it hard and watertight) as described by Kamakau.”

“The day chosen for the treading was a holiday. Men, women and children attended. The owner of the patch provided beforehand an abundance of vegetables, pork, and fish. On the day of treading the new loti was flooded.”

“No one, not even the chief or chiefess, was too kapu (sacred) to tread the soil in the patch. It was a festive day-every man, woman and child decked himself with leaves and worked with all his might, tramping here and there, stirring the mud with his feet, dancing, rejoicing, shouting, reveling, and indulging in all sorts of sport.”

“This tramping and hardening of the surface was done so that the water would not sink away into the soil, but remain to circulate around the stalks of the taro when planted. The planting was done next day, for by then the mud had settled to the bottom of the lo‘i.”

“Laka is sometimes referred to as male, sometimes as female. Such contradictions are not inconsistent in Hawaiian thinking, for a nature god may be male in one form and female in another.”

“Ku-ka-‘ōhi‘a-laka is male. He is embodied in the ‘ōhi‘a lehua trees in the rain forest, and was worshiped as a rain god. He was also ‘god of the hula dance’, ‘He is the male god worshiped in the hula dance.”

“That is why the altar in the dance hall is not complete without a branch of red lehua blossoms.’ But as we have seen above, Laka on the hula altar, a block of lama wood, was a woman, the sister and wife of Lono.”

“Emerson identifies Lono (the god of rain) with Laka, Laka’s body, it is said, was the fragrant foliage of the mountains, the wild ginger, the fern, the maile, the ilima ti.”

“It is obvious that Laka, Lono’s wife, and hula dancing were intimately associated with the idea of rain and abundance of growing things.”

“Kane, with whom taro planting and the origin of taro were associated, was, along with Ku, Lono, and Laka, identified with rain.”

“In a series of prayers used at the decorating of the hula altar with greenery from the uplands: ‘On the highest pinnacle great Lono-of-Kane (Lono-nui-a -Kane) will hear.’”

“Later the prayer addresses Kane-of-Lono (Kane-o-Lono). Kane is also addressed as Kane-i-ka-pahu‘a, which may be translated “Kane-the-thruster” or “Kane-the-dancer.” Kane-i-ka-pahu-wai is “Kane with-a-calabash-of-water,” which he pours out on the earth below. This of course is “Kane-of-the-water-of-life,” who was invoked in prayers of the harvest festival.”

“Hula dances and recitatives were performed in honor of the high chief or mo‘i, and in honor of his first-born. It was the mo‘i who played the role of Lono in the Makahiki festival, and during the Makahiki the mo‘i was entertained with hula dancing and chanting.”

“We have an interesting description of a hula performed by planters, the Hula pu niu. This is a hula for farmers. It is done thus …”

“… In the evening the men are all told that they are going to farm, then in the early morning the kumu hula begins his dance, at the time of dancing there are some gourd instruments and the puniu (coconut drum) covered with the skin of the kala fish.”

“These are played at the hula and then taken to the field. Sometimes the larger instruments are taken, sometimes only the puniu, covered with the skin of the kala fish.”

“While the men work they are silent, and after they are finished they have another hula. The men go to the mountain for maile, palai ferns, awapuhi, and ‘ie‘ie.”

“When they return home, a banner (pahu hae) is taken ahead and the men walk in single file behind it. Thus they go till they reach the hula house. And because of this it is called a farmer’s hula.” (All from Handy, Handy & Pukui)

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September 29, 2018 by Peter T Young 1 Comment

Puhina o Lono Heiau

Cook had first arrived in Hawai’i in 1778, stopping off at Kauai; however, his return the following year coincided with the annual Makahiki, the season that honored Lono with tribute offerings, feasting, competitive games, and hula performances. Traditionally warfare was taboo during this period.

The emblem of Lono was an upright pole with crossbeam and hanging tapa cloth, which the Hawaiians likened to the mast and sails of the European ships.

During this visit to Hawai’i Island, Cook performed the first Christian ceremony at Hikiau Heiau, a funeral service for a crew member who had died January 28, 1779.

Within days, Cook’s ships departed and all would have gone well, but fate ordained otherwise. A broken mast forced Cook’s return to Kealakekua Bay for repairs.

By then the Makahiki had ended and attitudes had changed. There followed a skirmish at the water’s edge fronting Ka’awaloa village (a residence of ruling Chief Kalani‘ōpu‘u), and Captain Cook was slain.

Cook’s body was then taken to nearby Puhina o Lono Heiau for traditional Hawaiian rites that included cooking and cleaning flesh from his bones, an honor afforded to only the highest and most sacred Hawaiian chiefs. (Ala Kahakai)

“Some of Cook’s bones, considered sacred, were deposited in a heiau (temple) dedicated to Rono, on the opposite side of the island.”

“There religious homage was paid to them, and from thence they were annually carried in procession to several other temples, or borne by the priests around the island, to collect the offerings of the people for the support of the worship of the god Rono.”

“The bones were preserved in a small basket of wickerwork completely covered over with red feathers, which in those days were considered to be symbols of kingship or godship, and were the most valuable articles the natives possessed.”

Ellis stated that since the time of his arrival in the islands, in company with the deputation from the London Missionary Society in 1822, every endeavour had been made to learn, though without success, whether Cook’s bones were still kept, and their location.

All the Hawaiians of whom inquiry had been made had asserted that they were formerly kept by the priests of Rono, and worshipped as sacred objects.

“Whenever we have asked the king, or Hevaheva, the chief priest, or any of the chiefs, they have either told us they were under the care of those who had themselves said they knew nothing about them, or that they were now lost.”

“The best conclusion we may form is that part of Captain Cook’s bones were preserved by the priests, and were considered sacred by the people probably till the abolition of idolatry in 1819; that, at that period they were committed to the secret care of some chief, or deposited by the priests who had charge of them, in a cave, unknown to all besides themselves.”

“The manner in which they were then disposed of will, it is presumed, remain a secret, till the knowledge of it is entirely lost.” (Lack)

“At about one mile from the shore on the hill is a monument, erected in 1825 by Lord Byron, Captain of his Britannic majesty’s frigate ‘Blond,’ to the memory of Captain Cook. It consists of a simple wall of lava about five feet high, embracing a square of twenty feet, in the centre of which is a cedar post, twelve feet in height, and near the top a copper plate, with this inscription:”

“‘In memory of Captain James Cook, R. N., Who discovered these Islands, in the year of our Lord, 1778. This humble monument is erected by his fellow countrymen, in the year of our Lord, 1825.’”

“This post is completely covered with the initials of persons who have from time to time visited the spot, chiefly the masters, officers, and crews of vessels”. (Townsend)

Puhina o Lono (literally meaning ‘to burn Lono’, also sometimes referred to as “Cook’s Heiau”) was succinctly first described by archaeologists as “an enclosure where the bones of Captain Cook were extracted”.

There are two written accounts of visits to Puhina o Lono in the years immediately following the abolition of traditional religion in 1819, one by the missionary William Ellis and the other by the English naturalist Andrew Bloxam.

In 1823, Ellis travelled along the coast of Kealakekua Bay and gives a second-hand account of the upcountry site of Puhina o Lono:

“… Mr. Goodrich ascended a neighboring height, and visited the spot where the body of the unfortunate Captain Cook was cut to pieces, and the flesh, after being separated from the bones, was burnt.”

“It is a small enclosure, about fifteen feet square, surrounded by a wall five feet high; within is a kind of hearth, raised about eighteen inches from the ground, and encircled by a curb of rude stones. Here the fire was kindled on the above occasion; and the place is still strewed with charcoal. (Ellis)

A second visit to the site on July 15, 1825 is recounted in the journal of Andrew Bloxam. Bloxam describes a small group of British
Sailors – including himself, Lord George Anson Byron and other members of crew of the HMS Blonde …

… who were taken to the site by a local chief named Naihe (also referred to as Nahi) and told that this was the “spot where Captain Cook’s body was taken and cut up immediately after he was killed”.

Bloxam does, go into great detail in his description of the creation of a monument to Cook consisting of a “stone pyramid” with a wooden post holding a brass plaque:

In the center of this [enclosure] Lord Byron, Mr. Ball, Davis and I laid the first four stones of a pyramid to form the base of a monument to his memory.

A large post was fixed in the middle of this, and on the top was nailed a brass plate, with the following words engraved upon it: To the memory of Captain James Cook, R.N., who discovered these islands in the year of our Lord 1778. This humble monument was erected by his fellow countrymen in the year of our Lord 1825. (Flexner & McCoy)

The layout of the site and its surrounding features suggest that this was not a simple or small structure, a fact that in our view makes it unlikely it was specially built in the short time that elapsed between Captain Cook’s death and when his body was partially returned to his crew.

It is oriented to the local landform, rather than to a particular sacred direction; northeast being expected if it were dedicated to Lono. Further, there is documentary evidence to support the notion that at the time of contact the site was not used as a heiau.

An 1883 Hawaiian Government survey map of Kealakekua Bay shows the site as a rectangular enclosure labelled as Puhina o “Lono”.

While other sites on the 1883 map were identified as “Old Heiau”, Puhina o Lono was not. Other early references to Puhina o Lono also do not refer to it as a heiau. The site only begins to be referred to as a heiau in the 20th century, first as Puhina o Lono Heiau (USGS 1928) and later as Cook’s Heiau (USGS 1959).

If the site of Puhina o Lono was not purpose-built to process Cook’s body, and is also not a good fit for the architectural forms of heiau, there are a number of other possible roles it could have played in the ritual landscape.

“One scenario that we see as likely is that this structure was used in the preparation of high chiefs for burial. The close proximity of burial caves, and its placement outside both the primary coastal and upland residential zones, is circumstantial evidence supporting this interpretation.”

“(I)t would appear that Cook’s remains may have been treated in much the same fashion as a high chief, rather than requiring some new hitherto unknown and exceptional religious ritual apparatus.”

“While this is far from definitively settling the ‘apotheosis or not’ debate regarding Cook, it pushes us to think about how sites of religious ritual were being used in the earliest days of the post-contact period.”

“The timing of the HMS Blonde’s visit to Ka‘awaloa, so closely following the abolition of traditional religion is certainly a factor; but far more important to understanding this event is the purpose of the HMS Blonde’s visit to Hawai‘i.”

“Almost exactly a year earlier, Liholiho (King Kamehameha II) and his wife Queen Kamāmalu died from measles on a visit to the UK. The HMS Blonde returned the royal bodies to O‘ahu, then proceeded to Ka‘awaloa with the explicit purpose of creating a monument to Cook.”

“The placement of the monument in the centre of the enclosure, the same location as the hearth where Cook’s body was burnt, may have been deemed correct (pono) for the crew who had played a pivotal role in bringing the king and queen back to Hawai‘i for burial.”

“In sum, the monument’s construction does not necessarily indicate that the site was de-sacralised in a material expression of the wholesale replacement of one set of beliefs and values with another.”

“Rather, the specific historical context suggests the re-use of building materials in a continuously sacred, if transformed, architecture.” (Flexner & McCoy)

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September 22, 2018 by Peter T Young Leave a Comment

Ka ua moaniani lehua o Puna

The rain that brings the fragrance of the lehua of Puna (Pukui 1983:172, verse 1587)

Puna is known for its groves of hala and ʻōhiʻa-lehua trees. This ʻōlelo no‘eau refers to the forests of Puna, which attract clouds to drench the district with many rains, refreshing and enriching the Puna water table, and sustaining the life cycle of all living things in Puna. (McGregor)

While the Puna moku (district) does not have running streams, it does have many inland and shoreline springs continuously fed by rains borne upon the northeast tradewinds. (McGregor)

Another ‘Ōlelo Noe‘au notes “Puna paia ʻala i ka hala. Puna, with walls fragrant with pandanus blossoms. Puna, Hawai’i, is a place of hala and lehua forests.

In olden days the people would stick the bracts of hala into the thatching of their houses to bring some of the fragrance indoors. (Pukui 1983:301, verse 2749)

“Puna on Hawaiʻi Island was the land first reached by Pāʻao, and here in Puna he built his first heiau for his god Ahaʻula and named it Ahaʻula [Wahaʻula.]”

“It was a luakini (large heiau where human sacrifice was offered). From Puna, Pāʻao went on to land in Kohala, at Puʻuepa. He built a heiau there, called Moʻokini.” (Kamakau)

One story tells that Hāʻena, a small bay near the northern boundary of Puna, is said to be the birthplace of hula. The goddess Hiʻiaka is said to have been instructed to dance hula on the beach there.

Puna is said to inspire hula because of the natural movements of waves, wind and trees. (Other stories suggest hula was started in other areas of the Islands.) (McGregor)

Early settlement patterns in the Islands put people on the windward sides of the islands, typically along the shoreline. However, in Puna, much of the district’s coastal areas have thin soils and there are no good deep water harbors. The ocean along the Puna coast is often rough and windblown. (Escott)

As a result, settlement patterns in Puna tend to be dispersed and without major population centers. Villages in Puna tended to be spread out over larger areas and often are inland, and away from the coast, where the soil is better for agriculture. (Escott)

This was confirmed on William Ellis’ travel around the island in the early 1800s, “Hitherto we had travelled close to the sea-shore, in order to visit the most populous villages in the districts through which we had passed.”

“But here receiving information that we should find more inhabitants a few miles inland, than nearer the sea, we thought it best to direct our course towards the mountains.” (Ellis, 1826)

Alexander later (1891) noted, “The first settlement met with after leaving Hilo by the sea coast road, is at Keaʻau, a distant 10 miles where there are less than a dozen inhabitants …”

“… the next is at Makuʻu, distant 14 miles where there are a few more, after which there is occasionally a stray hut or two, until Halepuaʻa and Koaʻe are reached, 21 miles from Hilo, at which place there is quite a village”. (Alexander in Escott)

“Nearly all the food consumed by the residents of this District is raised in the interior belt to which access is had by the ancient paths or trails leading from the sea coast.”

“The finest sweet potatoes are raised in places that look more like banks of cobble stones or piles of macadam freshly dumped varying from the size of a walnut to those as large as ones fist. In these holes there is not a particle of soil to be seen”. (Alexander, 1891)

Puna was famous as a district for some of its valuable products, including “hogs, gray tapa cloth (‘eleuli), tapas made of māmaki bark, fine mats made of young pandanus blossoms (‘ahuhinalo), mats made of young pandanus leaves (ʻahuao), and feathers of the ʻōʻō and mamo birds”. (McGregor)

An historic trail once ran from the modern day Lili‘uokalani Gardens area to Hāʻena along the Puna coast. The trail is often referred to as the old Puna Trail and/or Puna Road. There is an historic trail/cart road that is also called the Puna Trail (Ala Hele Puna) and/or the Old Government Road. (Escott)

It likely incorporated segments of the traditional Hawaiian trail system often referred to as the ala loa or ala hele. The full length of the Puna Trail, or Old Government Road, might have been constructed or improved just before 1840. The alignment was mapped by the Wilkes Expedition of 1804-41. (Escott)

With Western contact, extensive tracts of Puna’s landscape were transformed, first with sandalwood export, which began in 1790 and reached its peak between 1810 and 1825. (Puna CDP)

After Hawai‘i’s first forestry law in 1839 restricted the removal of sandalwood trees, cattle ranching and coffee cultivation became the leading commercial activities. By 1850, agriculture diversified with the cultivation of potatoes, onions, pumpkins, oranges and sugar molasses. (Puna CDP)

Before 1900, coffee was the chief agricultural crop in the area. Over 6,000-acres of coffee trees were owned by approximately 200-independent coffee planters and 6 incorporated companies. (HSPA)

Soon, sugarcane was in large-scale production. The dominant operation in Puna was the Puna Sugar Company, whose plantation fields extended for ten miles along both sides of Highway 11 between Keaʻau and Mountain View, as well as in the Pāhoa and Kapoho areas.

Initially founded in 1899 as Olaʻa Sugar Company, it was later (1960) renamed Puna Sugar Company. The coffee trees were uprooted to make way for sugarcane.

ʻŌhiʻa forests also had to be cleared, field rock piled, land plowed by mules or dug up by hand with a pick. Sugarcane was in large-scale production; the sugar mill operation ran for just over 80 years, until 1984.

Macadamia nuts and papaya were introduced in 1881 and 1919, respectively. Since the closure of the Puna Sugar Company, papaya and macadamia nut production have become the leading crops of Puna. About 97% of the state’s papaya production occurs in Puna, primarily in the Kapoho area.

Another thing growing in Puna is housing. Between 1958 and 1973, more than 52,500-individual lots were created – at least 40-substandard Puna subdivisions were created.

As a comparison, Oʻahu is about 382,500-acres in size; the district of Puna on the island of Hawaiʻi is about 320,000-acres in size – almost same-same.

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September 5, 2018 by Peter T Young Leave a Comment

Ahupuaʻa ʻO Kahana State Park

Ahupuaʻa ʻO Kahana State Park (formerly Kahana Valley State Park) is located in Ko‘olauloa on the windward side of O’ahu, between Kane’ohe and Laʻie, and 26 miles from Honolulu. Kahana is a relatively unspoiled valley, and one of only a few publicly owned ahupuaʻa, or ancient Hawaiian land division, in the state. (DLNR)

In 1965, John J. Hulten (real estate appraiser and State Senator) prepared a report for DLNR noting that Kahana was ideally suited to be a regional park, offering seashore water sports, mountain camping, and salt and freshwater fishing, and a tropical botanical garden. “Properly developed it will be a major attraction with 1,000,000 visits annually.”

The “proper development” he had in mind included 600 “developable acres” for camping, fishing, hiking, horseback riding, and swimming, and foresaw over 1,000 camping sites plus cabins, restaurant, and shops.

He said that a hotel and other commercial buildings could be developed, and wanted the creation of a 50 acre lake. All of this development would be assisted by a botanical garden and a mauka road from Likelike Highway to Kahana.

Instead from 1965 to 1969, the State initiated eminent domain proceedings to acquire the land as a way to prevent a proposed resort development and to retain the open space and rural character of the area. (DlNR)

In 1965, the State condemned the property for park purposes with a $5,000,000 price, paid in five annual installments (which included some federal funds.) By 1969, the State owned Kahana free and clear.

The State acquired the ahupua‘a ‘o Kahana in 1969 from the estate of Mary Foster and six individual lessees. The State was prompted to do so by a 1965 report that portrayed Kahana as a blank slate to be developed in a highly commercial way, including 1,000 camping sites, hotel, cabins, restaurant, a botanical garden, a manmade lake, and shops.

An additional factor supporting state acquisition was that it was one of the few, if not the only, ahupua`a left under virtually sole ownership and in a relatively pristine state.

The families living in Kahana at that time had long-standing ties to the valley, and lobbied the Legislature to allow them to stay in the park and preserve their lifestyle. (Legislative Reference Bureau)

In 1970, a Governor’s task force proposed the concept of a living park that would allow the families to stay and in some way participate in the park. The Governor recommended the concept to the Department of Land and Natural Resources. The residents were allowed to stay on the land under revocable leases.

On December 1, 1993, the Board issued thirty-one leases to families living in Kahana, and in most cases the lessees relocated, as a condition for receiving the leases, from their traditional homes near the coast to new residential subdivisions within Kahana and outside of the coastal flood zone. (Legislature)

In lieu of a monetary payment, the State determined that as a condition of their lease each Kahana family would contribute interpretive services per month to the park, to preserve, restore, and share the history and rural lifestyle of the ahupua‘a with the public.

Each family had to have its adult members contribute twenty-five hours of “interpretive services” each month to the park in exchange for their land lease. The scope of the term “interpretive service” was not well defined, which was soon to become a real problem.

Although the original plan was to delay the interpretive requirements for a year to allow residents to build their homes, the interpretative services were not actually required until February 1996. (LRB)

Over the years, communication difficulties have created challenges between park personnel and residents to the detriment of the cultural interpretive program. Some residents are fully up to date in their required hours, some have partially fallen behind, while others are not participating in the program at all. (DURP, 2013)

Requirements for eligible programs included residents’ interest in the program. This requires programs to be reviewed by a committee working with Park Manager and recommended for action. All aspects of scheduled activities (planning, presenting, clean up, etc.) must be voluntary.

Family members over 14 were accepted as eligible to provide counted working hours. The number of interpretive hours was also fixed to 25 hours per family per month required and a lessee could earn an excess of credit hours (maxing out at 150 hours per year). (DURP, 2013)

In 2017, a resolution in the legislature noted, “lessees are required to contribute twenty-five hours per month of cultural interpretive activities to the park in lieu of lease rent, and although most of the residents are of Hawaiian ancestry and a number have tenure in Kahana going back several generations, many of the current lessees are not engaging in cultural practices”.

That resolution also acknowledged that, “lack of consistent lessee participation and documentation of interpretive hours per the lease requirement makes it evident that the “Living Park” concept has not succeeded in the current form and should be reconsidered”. (There was no action on the resolution by the legislature.)

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